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THE LOTTO PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS. 



'* MAKERS OF AMERICA" 



CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 



f ijS Lift ana ^^i^ Cllorfe 



CHARLES KENDALL ADAMS, LL.D. 

PRESIDENT OF CORNELL UNIVERSITY 



V^^" tiO^tili. .J- 






NEW YORK 
DODD, MEAD AND COMPANY 

1892 



<>\''' 



Copyright, 18D2, 
By Dodd, Mead and Co. 



All rights reserved. 



^Eni'bfrsttp press : 
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge. 



TO 

J. J. HAGERMAN, 

Nobleman and Friend^ 

THIS VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED 

By THE Author. 



PREFACE, 



In this little volume I have made an attempt to 
present in popular form the results of the latest re- 
searches in regard to the life and work of Columbus. 

While constant use has been made of the original 
authorities, it has been my effort to interpret the con- 
flicting statements with which these sources abound, 
in the spirit of modern criticism. The principal 
authorities used have been the Letters and the Jour- 
nal of Columbus, the History of the Admiral purport- 
ing to be by his son Fernando, the histories of the 
time by Las Casas, Bernaldez, Oviedo, Peter Martyr, 
and Herrera, and the invaluable collection of docu- 
ments by Navarrete. Of the greatest importance are 
the writings of Columbus and Las Casas. 

As will appear in the course of the volume, the 
writings of the Admiral abound in passages that are 
contradictory or irreconcilable. In the interpretation 
of conflicting statements, assistance has been received 



viii PREFACE. 

from the numerous writings of Henry Harrisse. The 
researches of this acute critic in the manuscript re- 
cords, as well as in the published writings of Italy and 
Spain, make his works indispensable to a correct un- 
derstanding of the age of Columbus. 

I have not, however, been able to adopt without 
reservation his views in regard to the work attributed 
to the son of the Admiral. The force of Harrisse's 
reasoning is unquestionable ; but, as it seems to me, 
there is internal evidence that the author of the book, 
whether Fernando or not, had unusual opportunities 
for knowledge in regard to the matters about which 
he wrote. While, therefore, I have used the work with 
great caution, I have not felt justified in rejecting it 
as altogether spurious. 

The reader will not go far in the perusal of this 
volume without perceiving that I have endeavoured to 
emancipate myself from the thraldom of that uncriti- 
cal admiration in which it has been fashionable to 
hold the Discoverer, ever since Washington Irving 
threw over the subject the romantic and bewitching 
charm of his literary skill. Irving revealed the spirit 
with which he wrote when he decried what he was 
pleased to call " that pernicious erudition which busies 
itself with undermining the pedestals of our national 
monuments." Irving's was not the spirit of modern 



PREFACE. IX 

scholarship. We should seek the truth at whatever 
hazard. While directed by this motive in the course 
of all my investigations into the life and work of 
Columbus, I have tried, on the one hand, to avoid the 
common error of bringing him to the bar of the pres- 
ent age for trial, and, on the other, not to shrink from 
judging him in accordance with those canons of jus- 
tice which are applicable alike to all time. 



C. K. A. 



Cornell University, 

March lo, 1892. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Pages 

Chapter I. Early Years. [1446-1484] . 1-33 

Genoa, i . — Place of Birth, 2. — Time of Birth, 4. — Family, 
6. — Early Studies, 7. — Early Maritijme_Experience, 9. — Pi- 
ratical Expeditions, 10. — Voyage to JVfrica, 11. — Voyage to 
IcelaiHJL 12. — Experience as Bookseller and Mapmaker, 14. 

— Removal to Portugal, 16. — Marjdage, 17, — Children, 19. 

— Commercial Speculation, 21. — Extent of his Experience, 
21. — Theory of the Sphericity of the Earth, 23. — "Progress oi 
the Idea, 25.— Cardinal d'Ailly's /ma^o Mundi, 27. — Causes 
of Dela^, 27. — Discoveries by the Nors^en, 28. — Tosca- 
nelli's Letters, 29. — General Approaches to the Discovery, 
32. "^ 

Chapter II. Attempts to secure Assist- 
ance. [1484-1492] 34-73 

Necessity of Assistance, 34. — Improbability that he applied 
to Genoa and Venice, 35. — Applications to Portugal, Eng- 
land, and France, 36. — Attitude of Portugal, 37. — Departure 
of Columbus for Spain, 41. — Course after reaching Spain, 43. 

— Condition of Spain, 44. — Inquisition, 44. — Plague, 45. — 
Debasement of the Coin, 45. — War against the Moors, 46. — 
Support of Columbus, 47. — First Encouragement, 48. — Au- 
dience at Salamanca, 49. — Nature of the Discussion, 52. — 
Friendliness of Deza, 53. — Result, 53. — Delays, 53. — Occu- 



xii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

pations of the Court, 54. — Thought of going elsewhere, 55 

— Summons to a New Conference, 56. — Stipends of Money, 
57. — Visit to Portugal, 57. — Visit to Medina Cell, 58.— 
Opinions of Scientific Men, 60. — Disgust of Columbus, 61. 

— Visit to La Rabida, 62. — Service of Perez, 63. — Favour- 
able Inclination of the Court, 64. — Inadmissible Terms de- 
manded, 65.— Story of the Jewels, 67. — Successful Repre- 
sentations, 67. — Columbus secures his Commission, 68. — 
Misfortune of these Extraordinary Powers, 70. — Survey of 
Sources of Assistance, 72. 

Chapter III, The First Yoyage. [Aug. 

3, 1492 -March 15, 1493] .... 74-128 

Crew for the First Voyage, 74. —The Vessels, 76. — Setting 
sail, 1']. — Columbus's Diary and Letters, 77. — Repairs of the 
"Pinta,"79. — Traditions of the Islanders, 80. — On the Voy- 
age, 82. — Report of Land, 84. — Indications, 84. — Probable 
Truth concerning a Mutinous Spirit, 85. — Columbus reports 
a Light, 86. — Discovery of Land, October 12, 87. — The Place 
of Landing, 88. — Cronau's Investigations, 89. — Riding Rocks, 
91. — The People, 92. — Explorations, 93. — Cuba, 94. — San 
Domingo, 94. — Shipwreck, 95. — La Navidad, 96. — Spirit 
of the Natives, 97. — Sail for Home, 98. — Spirit of the Dis- 
coverer, 98. — Quest for Gold, 99. — Slender Foundation of 
Promises, 100. — Attitude of Columbus toward his Crew and 
toward the Natives, 100. — Testimony of Las Casas, 104. — 
Final Departure, 105. — The Caribs, 106. — Salt-pits, 107. — 
Return of the "Pinta," 107. — Last of the Bahamas, 108. — Fu- 
rious Storms, 108. — Precautions, 109. — Pilgrimages promised, 
no. — The Azores, no. — Lisbon, in. — Couriers sent to 
announce Discoveries, in. — Claims of Portugal, 112. — Treaty 
of 1479, 112. — Treatment by the King of Portugal, 114. — 
Reaches Palos, March 15, 1493, 115. — Arrival of the "Pinta," 
115. — Sad end of Pinzon, 116. — Reception of Columbus at 
Barcelona, 118. — Renewal of Authority, 120. — Unwarranted 
Promises, 121. — Resolves to retake Jerusalem, 121. — Hos- 
tility of Old Nobility, 121. — Announcement to the Pope, 122. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. Xill 

— Bull of Demarcation, 123. — Preparation for a Second 
Voyage, 124. — Policy of Confiscation, 125. — Diplomatic Con- 
troversy with Portugal, 126. — Triumph of Spain, 128. — Re- 
moval of Line of Demarcation, 128. 

Chapter IV. The Second Voyage. [Sept. 

25, 1493-June II, 1496] .... 129-170 

Character of the Crew, 129. — The Grand Canary, 130. — 
The Caribbees, 130. — Warlike Character of the Natives, 131. 

— Sailing for La Navidad, 133. — Gloomy Forebodings, 135. 

— Total Loss of the Colony, 135. — Causes of the Disaster, 
136. — The Domain of Caonabo, 137. — Final Conflict, 138. — 
Visit to the Admiral's Ship by the Cacique, 138. — Treachery, 
139. — Founding of Isabella, 140. — Defective Character of 
the Colonists, 140. — Illness of Columbus, 141. — General 
Purpose, 141.— The Expedition of Ojeda, 141. — Report of 
Columbus, 142. — Dishonest Contractors, 143. — Proposal of 
Columbus concerning Slaves, 144. — Mining Hopes, 147. — 
Peculiarities of the Natives, 148. — Prevailing Distresses, 151. 

— Columbus visits Cuba, 152. — Oath of Sailors, 154. — Other 
Discoveries, 155. — Illness of the Admiral, 155. — Margarite, 
156. — General Condition of the Colony, 158. — Capture of 
Caonabo, 158. — Enforcement of Tribute, 160. — Repartimien- 
tos, 161. — Desperate Situation, 162. — Mutiny, 164. — Father 
Boyle, 165. — The Adelantado, 165. — Investigation of Agnado, 
167. — Decision of the Admiral to return, 169. 

Chapter V. The Third Voyage. [May 

30, 1498 -October 1500] .... 171-204 

Arrival Home, 171. — Reception by the Monarchs, 172. — 
Delay in fitting out the Third Expedition, 174. — Sailing of the 
Fleet, 177. — Discovery of the Mainland, 178. — Geographi- 
cal Delusions, 180. — Condition of Affairs at San Domingo, 
183. — Bartholomew's Expedition to Xaragua, 185. — Desper- 
ate Situation, 187. — Roldan's Revolt, 188. — Temporary Agree- 



XIV TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

ment, 191. — Return of Ojeda, 193. — Cargo of Slaves, 194. — 
Charges against Columbus, 199. — Arrival of Bobadilla, 200. — 
Bobadilla assumes Authority, 201. — Charges against Colum- 
bus, 202. — Arrest of Columbus, 203. — Columbus sent Home 
in Chains, 204. 

Chapter VI. The Fourth Voyage. [May 

9, 1502 -Nov. 7, 1504] 205-234 

Reception by the Public, 205. — Attitude of the Monarchs, 
206. — Speech of the Queen, 207. — The Letter of Columbus, 
210. — Character of the Settlers, 211. — Gradual Opening of 
the Islands to other Navigators, 212. — General Maritime 
Activity, 213. — Policy of Ferdinand, 215. — Appointment of 
Ovando, 215. — Character of the Fourth Crew, 216. — The 
Crusade, 218. — Activity of the Portuguese, 218. — Sets sail on 
Fourth Voyage, 219. — Tries to land at San Domingo, 220. 
— Successive Storms, 221. — Desires of the Admiral, 223. — 
Reaches the Mainland, 225. — At Darien, 226. — Gold of Vara- 
gua, 226. — Attacked by Natives, 227. — Failure to found a 
Colony, 227. — Two Vessels reach Jamaica, 228. — Wreck of 
the Vessels, 229. — Starvation impending, 229. — Letter to the 
King, 230. — Departure of Mendez, 231. — Strategy of Colum- 
bus, 232. — Attitude of Ovando, 233. — A Year of Delays, 
234. — Return to San Domingo and Spain, 234. 



Chapter VII. Last Days. — Death, Char- 
acter. [1504-1506] 235-257 

Columbus at Seville, 235. — His Letters, 236. — His Com- 
plaints, 237, — Americus Vespucius, 237. — Columbus's Last 
Will, 238. — Death, at Valladolid, 239. — Uncertainty as to 
Place of Burial, 239. — Removal to Seville, 239. — Removal to 
San Domingo, 239. — Controversy as to Place of the Remains at 
present, 240. — Tradition, 240. — Removal in 1796,241. — Dis- 
coveries in 1877,241. — The Inscriptions, 242. — The Casket 
Plate, 242. — Formal Inspection, 244. — Charge of Forgery, 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV 

245. — Basis of the Charge, 246. — Investigations of Cronau 
in 1891, 246. — Conclusion reached, 247. — Personal Appear- 
ance of the Admiral, 248. — The Portraits, 249. — The Lotto 
Portrait, 250. — Final Estimate of Columbus's Character, 251. 
— His Attitude toward the Moral Ideas of his Age, 252. — His 
Attitude toward Slavery, 253. — His Beginning of the Spanish 
Policy, 254. — His Powers and his Responsibilities, 255. — His 
Purposes, 256. — Results, 257. 



INDEX 259 



4 



CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 



CHAPTER I. 

EARLY YEARS. 

At the northwest comer of the ItaHan peninsula the 
coast-Hne, as it approaches the French border, bends 
around to the west in such a way as to form a kind of 
rounded angle, which, according to the fertile fancy 
of the Greeks, resembles the human knee. It was 
probably in recognition of this geographical peculi- 
arity that the hamlet established at this point received 
some centuries before the Christian era the name 
which has since been evolved into Genoa. The situ- 
ation is not only one of the most picturesque in 
Europe, but it is peculiarly adapted to the develop- 
ment of a small maritime city. For many miles it is 
the only point at which Nature has afforded a good 
opportunity for a harbor. Its geographical relations 
with the region of the Alps and the plains of northern 
Italy seem to have designated it as the natural point 
where a common desire for gain should bring into 
profitable relations the trading propensities of the 
people along the shores of the Mediterranean. 
During nearly two thousand years the situation was 

I 



2 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

made all the more favourable by the ease with which 
it might be defended; for the range of mountains, 
which encircles it at a distance of only a few miles, 
made it easy for the inhabitants to protect themselves 
against the assaults of their enemies. 

The favouring conditions thus afforded gave to 
Genoa early in the Christian era a commercial pres- 
tige of some importance. The turbulence of the 
Middle Ages made rapidity of growth quite impos- 
sible ; but in the time of the Crusades this pictu- 
resque city received a large share of that impulse which 
gave so much life to Venice and the other maritime 
towns of Italy. Like other cities of its kind, it was 
filled with seafaring men. It is easy to believe that 
the boys who grew up in Genoa during the centuries 
of the Crusades and immediately after, had their im- 
aginations and memories filled to overflowing with 
accounts of such wonderful adventures as those which, 
about that time, found expression in the writings of 
Marco Polo and John de Mandeville. The tales of 
seafaring adventurers always have a wonderful attrac- 
tion for boys ; and we can well imagine that the yarns 
spun by the returning sailors of the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries had an altogether peculiar and 
exceptional fascination. 

It was probably in this city of Genoa that Chris- 
topher Columbus was born. It is certain that his 
parents lived there at the middle of the fifteenth cen- 
tury. Whether his father had been in Genoa very 
many years is doubtful ; for there is one bit of record 
that seems to indicate his moving into the city at 



EARLY YEARS. 3 

some time between 1448 and 145 1. That the ances- 
tors of the family had lived in that vicinity ever since 
the twelfth or thirteenth century may be regarded as 
certain. But beyond this fact very little rests upon 
strict historical evidence. This uncertainty, springing 
as it does from the fact that the name Columbus ap- 
pears very often in the records of northern Italy dur- 
ing the century before the birth of Christopher, has 
brought into controversy a multitude of importunate 
claimants. If a kind of selfish pride was indicated 
by the fact that — 

" Seven cities claimed the Homer dead, 
In which the living Homer begged his bread," — 

the same characteristic of human nature was shown in 
northern Italy in more than two-fold measure ; for no 
less than sixteen Italian towns have tried to lift them- 
selves into greater importance by setting up a claim 
to the distinction of having been the birthplace of the 
Great Discoverer. But these several claims have not 
succeeded in producing any conclusive evidence. The 
question is still in some doubt. At least twice in his 
writings Columbus speaks of himself as having been 
born at Genoa ; and he was generally recognized as 
a Genoese by his contemporaries. But his parents 
seem to have been somewhat migratory in their 
habits. The records show that the father of Christo- 
pher was the owner of some property in several of 
the towns along the foot of the Alps. Besides his 
other estates, which for the most part came from his 
wife, he had a house in one of the suburbs of the city 



4 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

of Genoa, and also one in the city itself. Within a 
few years the Marquis Marcello Staglieno, a learned 
Genoese antiquary, has established the fact that No. 
37 Vico Dritto Ponticello in Genoa was owned by 
Dominico Columbus, the father of Christopher, during 
the early years of Christopher's hfe. But it has not 
yet been shown by any documentary evidence that he 
ever lived there. The ownership of this house, and 
of one in the suburbs, establishes a very strong proba- 
bility that in one of them Christopher Columbus was 
born. It cannot be said, however, that the exact 
spot has been determined with certainty ; and in view 
of the conflicting evidence, Genoa is to be regarded 
as the place of his birth only in that broad sense 
which would include a considerable number of the 
surrounding dependencies. Bernaldez, Peter Martyr, 
Oviedo, and Las Casas speak of his birthplace as 
being, not the city, but the province of Genoa. 

The original authorities, moreover, are as conflict- 
ing in regard to time as in regard to place. The 
most definite statement we have is that of Bernaldez, 
the contemporary and friend as well as the historian 
of the discoverer. Columbus at one time was an in- 
mate of the house of Bernaldez, and hence it would 
seem that the historian had good opportunities for 
ascertaining the truth. But the information he gives 
in regard to the date of Columbus's birth is only 
inferential, and is far from satisfactory. He says 
that the Admiral died in 1506, "at the age of sev- 
enty, a little more or a little less." This is the state- 
ment which has led Humboldt, Navarrete, and Irving, 



EARLY YEARS. 5 

as well as other careful writers, to believe that the 
date of his birth should be fixed at 1436. But the 
acceptance of this date is involved in serious difficul- 
ties The discoverer, it is true, nowhere tells us his 
exa^t age ; but frequently in his writings he not only 
mentions the number of years he had followed he 
sea, but he says he began his nautical career a the 
a-re of fourteen. These several statements, put together, 
p°oint very definitely and consistently to ^^^'^^^^'■'^ 
or quite ten years later than that indicated by Bernal- 
dez It cannot be claimed that the statements of 
Columbus are so exact as to be absolutely free from 
doubt ; but in the absence of any record of his birth, 
thev are at least entitled to careful consideration. In 
a letter written in 1503 the Admiral says that he was 
thirty-eight when he entered the service of Spain As 
he first went to Spain in 1484 or 1485, we are obliged 
to infer that the service he referred to began either m 
that year or at a later period. This would mdicate 
that he was born in 1446 or later. In 1501, more- 
over, he wrote that it was forty years since at the age 
of fourteen he entered upon a seafaring life. Ihis, 
too, would point to about 1447 as the date of his 
birth. These, and other statements of a similar na- 
ture, are at least enough to justify the inquiry whether 
the error is probably with Columbus or with Bernal- 
dez In the case of the historian, the very phrase 
" seventy, a little more or a little less," carries with it 
an implication of uncertainty. It seemed to imp y 
that the author judged of the age of Columbus simply 
from his appearance. Now, there is abundant evi- 



6 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

dence that the superabounding anxieties and perplex- 
ities of his career had the natural effect of making 
him prematurely old. We have the statement of his 
son that his hair was gray at the age of thirty ; and it 
is easy to believe that the perplexing vicissitudes of 
his career deepened and intensified the evidences of 
age with unnatural rapidity. If, as we have so often 
and so justly heard, it is anxiety and perplexity that 
bring on premature age and decay, surely Columbus 
of all men must have been old long before he reached 
the goal of threescore and ten. In view of all these 
facts, it is probable that the conjecture of Bernaldez 
was incorrect, though very naturally so, and that the 
date indicated by the figures of Columbus himself is 
the one that is entitled to most credence. But all we 
can say on the subject is that Christopher Columbus 
was probably born in or about the year 1446. Har- 
risse, who has scrutinized all the evidence with char- 
acteristic acumen, has reached the conclusion that 
Columbus was born between the 25th of March, 
1446, and the 20th of March, 1447. 

He was the eldest son of Dominico Columbus and 
Susannah Fontanarossa, his wife. The other chil- 
dren were Bartholomew and Giacomo, or, as the 
Spanish call it, Diego, and a sister, of whom nothing 
of importance is known. The kith and kin of the 
family for some generations devoted themselves to 
the humble vocation of wool-combers. The property 
of the family, of which at the time Columbus was 
born there was barely enough for a modest compe- 
tency, appears to have come chiefly from the mother. 



EARLY YEARS. 7 

That the father was a man of exceptional energy, is 
evinced by the vigour with which he undertook and 
carried on the various enterprises with which he was 
connected. In his business, however, he was only 
moderately prosperous ; and so the family was obliged 
to content itself with a small income. 

The early life of Columbus is still quite thickly 
enshrouded with uncertainty. His education in- 
cluded a reading knowledge of Latin, but his train- 
ing could have been neither comprehensive nor 
thorough. Many of the historians, resting upon the 
statement of Fernando Columbus, assert that he 
spent a year in the study of cosmogony at the Uni- 
versity of Pavia. But the statement is inherently 
improbable, and rests upon evidence that is altogether 
inadequate. His father was not in condition to send 
him to the university without inconvenience. It was 
the custom of those times for the son to be trained 
for the vocation of the father. Such a training the 
young Christopher had, and a formal knowledge of 
geography, or cosmogony, as the study was then more 
generally called, would not have added much to his 
chances of business success. If he went to the uni- 
versity at all, he must have concluded his studies 
before he was fourteen. Pavia at the time afforded 
no special advantages for the prosecution of this 
study, — indeed, it cannot now be discovered that it 
possessed any advantages whatever. On the con- 
trary, that celebrated university was devoted with 
singular exclusiveness to the teaching of philosophy, 
law, and medicine. There is no evidence in the 



8 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

records of the university that Columbus was ever 
there. The explorer himself, though he often refers 
to his early studies, nowhere intimates that he was 
ever at the university. It was not till more than 
fifty years after the death of Columbus that his son 
made the statement on which all subsequent asser- 
tions on the subject rest for authority. That the 
explorer was ever at the university is overwhelmingly 
improbable. 

We know, however, from the best of evidence that 
he early became interested in geographical studies. 
His father's business does not seem to have been 
very prosperous, — at least, we find him about this 
time selling out his little property in Genoa and 
establishing himself at Savona. Meantime, the youth- 
ful Christopher found himself yielding to the strong 
current which in those years carried so many of the 
Genoese into a life of maritime adventure. If our 
conjecture in regard to the time of his birth is cor- 
rect, it was about 1460 when he took his first voyage. 
From that initiative experience for about ten years, 
that is to say until 1470, we have only glimpses here 
and there of the events of his life. Nor can we 
regard the details of this experience as important, 
except as they throw light upon the development of 
his intelligence and character. Fortunately for this 
purpose evidence is not altogether wanting. Bits 
of information have been picked up here and there, 
which, though it is impossible to weave them very 
confidently into a connected whole, still show, in a 
general way, the nature of the training he received 



EARLY YEARS. 9 

during those important years. If we condense into a 
useful form all that is positively known of his life 
during the ten years from the time he was fourteen 
until he was twenty-four, we shall perhaps conclude 
that there are only three results that are worthy of 
note. 

The first is the fact that he had considerable mari- 
time experience of a very turbulent nature. There 
is some reason to believe that he accompanied the 
unsuccessful expedition of John of Anjou against 
Naples in 1459. However this may have been, it is 
certain that he joined several of the expeditions of 
the celebrated corsairs bearing the same family name 
of Columbus. Modern eulogists of the great discov- 
erer have hesitated to write the ugly word which 
indicates the nature of the business in which these 
much-dreaded fleets were engaged; but the state 
papers of the time uniformly refer to the elder of 
these commanders as " the Pirate Columbus." To 
the younger they also refer in no more complimentary 
terms. Fernando Columbus is authority for the state- 
ment that his father accompanied the celebrated ex- 
pedition that fought the great battle off Cape St. 
Vincent. But the statement is a curious illustration 
of the necessity of accepting the assurances of this 
historian with extreme caution. He says that it was 
by escaping from the wreck of the fleet that his 
father came for the first time to his new home in 
Portugal. Now, we know that the battle alluded to 
did not take place until 1485, the year after Colum- 
bus left Portugal and went to Spain ; and as he was 



lb CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

Otherwise occupied ever after he reached Spanish soil, 
it is not possible that the young navigator was even 
with the fleet during the engagement. We know, 
moreover, that he moved to Lisbon before 1473. 

But the evidence is conclusive that the Admiral had 
accompanied the piratical fleets on several former 
expeditions. The records of Venice show that a de- 
cree was passed against the elder pirate Columbus, 
July 20, 1469, and another against the younger on the 
17th of March, 1470. Although these fulminations 
did not put an end to this peculiar warfare, they are 
of interest in this connnection as showing the school 
in which Columbus received a considerable part of his 
early nautical training and experience. 

There may be some doubt as to how much im- 
portance should be attached to the circumstantial 
statement of Fernando in regard to his father's con- 
nection with these celebrated freebooters. The nar- 
rative certainly contains some irreconcilable contra- 
dictions ; but although Fernando may have been 
mistaken in the details, he can hardly have been 
mistaken in the fact that his father accompanied 
several of these expeditions. A matter of that kind 
could hardly fail to have been talked about in the 
presence of the children. The boys may have re- 
ceived erroneous impressions in reference to details. 
As time went on, it was naturally easy for events with 
which the father was definitely connected to become 
confused with those with which he had nothing what- 
ever to do. But the great fact of his connection 
with the fleet, of his experience on the piratical 



EARLY YEARS. II 

ships, can hardly have been an invention of the son. 
There were two pirates by the name of Columbus, — 
the younger being, according to one authority, the 
son, according to another, the nephew of the elder. 
Fernando gives us to understand distinctly that his 
father was engaged in the service of both. He more- 
over considers this so much a matter of pride that 
he endeavours to establish the fact of a relationship 
between the two families. The nature of the school 
in which the young Columbus received a part of his 
training may be inferred by the fact that the younger 
of the corsairs in the course of a few years captured 
as many as eighty fleets, — a part of them in the 
Mediterranean, and a part in the open sea. During a 
large portion of the latter half of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, these daring corsairs were the dread of every 
fleet against whom they were employed. 

There is also evidence of another schooling of a 
somewhat similar nature. During the fifteenth cen- 
tury the Portuguese were engaged in the slave-trade 
on the coast of Africa ; and we are told that Colum- 
bus sailed several times with them to the coast of 
Guinea as if he had been one of them. 

It must have been during this period also that the 
events occurred which Columbus described in a letter 
written to one of the Spanish monarchs in 1495. He 
says, — 

" King Rend (whom God has taken to himself) sent me 
to Tunis to capture the galley ' Fernandina.' Arriving at 
the island of San Pedro in Sardinia, I learned that there 
were two ships and a caracca with the galley, which so 



12 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

alarmed the crew that they resolved to proceed no far- 
ther, but to go to Marseilles for another vessel and a 
larger crew. Upon which, being unable to force their 
inclinations, I apparently yielded to their wish, and, hav- 
ing first changed the points of the compass, spread all 
sail (for it was evening), and at daybreak we were within 
the cape of Carthagena, when all believed for a certainty 
that we were nearing Marseilles." 

This incident shows that the schooling had given 
him a full competency of intrepidity. It also shows 
that the ethics of the school had had the natural 
effect of relieving him of all unnecessary scruples of 
conscience. 

Another voyage of a very different nature was 
probably made at a little later period. Unfortu- 
nately we are indebted for our knowledge of it en- 
tirely to Fernando. This is the celebrated voyage to 
the north, of which so much has been made in set- 
ting up the claim that Columbus was indebted for his 
idea of America to information obtained in Iceland. 
It would be a great satisfaction to know just what 
occurred in the course of that voyage ; but this now 
seems impossible. The only record we have of the 
event is that contained in a letter of Columbus quoted 
by Fernando. The letter is not now known to be in 
existence ; but the event alluded to seems to have 
taken place in the year 1477, about four or five years 
after Columbus went to Lisbon, and seven years before 
he went to Spain. 

Columbus is quoted as saying that he " sailed one 
hundred leagues beyond the island of Tile, the south 



EARLY YEARS. 13 

part of which was distant from the equinoctial Une 
seventy-three leagues, and not sixty-three, as some 
have asserted; neither does it lie within the line 
which includes the west of that referred to by Pto- 
lemy, but is much more westerly. To this island, 
which is as large as England, the English, especially 
from Bristol, came with their merchandise. At the 
time he was there, the sea was not frozen, but the 
tides were so great as to rise and fall twenty-six 

fathoms." 

Nothing more is known of this voyage than is con- 
tained in this letter; but notwithstanding the gross 
inaccuracies of the statement, it seems sufficient 
ground for believing that Columbus visited Iceland, 
or at least went beyond it. The size of the island 
indicates that it could have been no other. Whether 
he landed there, and if so, whether he obtained from 
the natives any knowledge of the continent lying far 
to the west and southwest, must, perhaps, forever be 
a matter of mere conjecture. It is, however, hardly 
probable that in the year 1477 Columbus would go to 
Iceland without making inquiries in regard to lands 
lying beyond. The Icelanders had long been the 
great explorers of the north. As we shall presently 
see, Columbus had already received the famous letter 
of Toscanelli, in which the practicability of reaching 
Asia by sailing due west was fully set forth ; and we 
know in other ways that the mind of Columbus was 
already fully imbued with the idea of the westward 
voyage of discovery. It is certain, moreover, that the 
Icelanders could have given him considerable valuable 



14 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

information. The voyages that had been made by the 
Norwegians from time to time during the eleventh 
and twelfth centuries must have been known at least 
by the more intelligent of the people of Iceland. It 
seems highly improbable, moreover, that Columbus, 
already thirsting for more geographical knowledge, 
would visit such an island without availing himself of 
every opportunity of securing further information. 

But on the other hand, we must not exaggerate the 
importance of this conjecture. There is no evidence 
whatever that he even landed. In all of the writings 
of Columbus there is nowhere any hint of any know- 
ledge gained from these sources ; and this very im- 
portant truth should not be lost sight of in the 
weighing of probabilities. In view of all the facts, it 
seems hardly possible that Columbus can have gained 
from this expedition anything more than at best a 
somewhat vague confirmation of the ideas and pur- 
poses that had already taken definite shape in his 
mind. 

Another fact worthy of note during these earlier 
years was his vocation during the intervals between 
his voyages. He seems to have interlarded his more 
or less piratical expeditions on the sea with the gen- 
tle experiences of a bookseller and map-maker on the 
land. The art of printing had but recently been 
invented, and few books had been issued from the 
press ; but there was some trade in books for all that. 
There is abundant evidence that this youthful enthu- 
siast, at the period of his life between fifteen and 
twenty-four, availed himself of whatever knowledge 



EARLY YEARS. 15 

came in his way in regard to the subject that was 
beginning to fill and monopolize his mind. During 
the fifteenth century, as hereafter we shall have occa- 
sion to see, a large number of books on geography 
became generally known. Many of the classics, after 
lying dormant for a thousand years, sprang suddenly 
into life ; and it is quite within the scope of a reason- 
able historical imagination to conjecture that, even 
during his years at Genoa, many of the leisure hours 
of what could hardly have been a very absorbing 
vocation as a bookseller were spent in gaining such 
knowledge as was possible concerning the shape and 
size of the earth. It would be out of place in this 
connection to consider details ; it is enough to know 
that even in his earliest writings on the subject, he 
alluded freely to the geographical writers whose works 
he had read. 

At some time between 1470 and 1473, Columbus 
changed his abode from Genoa to Lisbon. There 
were two facts that made this transfer of his activities 
both natural and beneficial. The first was that dur- 
ing the early part of the fifteenth century Portugal 
had placed herself far in advance of other nations, by 
her maritime expeditions and achievements. Prince 
Henry, with a courage and enterprise that have se- 
cured for him imperishable renown, had pushed out 
the boundaries of geographical knowledge, and had 
awakened an enthusiastic zeal for further discoveries. 
The fleets of Portugal had made themselves at length 
familiar with the west coast of Africa ; and the bug- 
bear of a tropical sea whose slimy depths were sup- 



1 6 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

posed to make navigation impossible, had been 
dispelled. The interest of every geographical ex- 
plorer had been aroused and excited. Lisbon was 
the centre of this new ferment. 

The second consideration of importance was the 
fact that Bartholomew, a younger brother of Colum- 
bus, had established himself at the Portuguese capital 
as a maker and publisher of maps and charts. For 
the products of this handicraft there had been created 
an active demand. Nothing was more natural, then, 
than that this young enthusiast, in whom there were 
already welling up all kinds of maritime ambitions, 
should remove to that centre of geographical know- 
ledge and interest, and ally himself with his brother 
in so congenial and promising a vocation. 

It was during the years between 1473 and 1484 
that a large part of the maritime experiences of 
Columbus already adverted to took place. The most 
of them, perhaps all of them, occurred after Colum- 
bus established himself at Lisbon. But unfortunately, 
there is no contemporaneous evidence to show the 
course of his life. In the records of the time we 
find his name here and there in connection with such 
events as those we have already mentioned ; but, as 
yet, it is impossible to weave these scattered state- 
ments into a connected narrative that will bear the 
test of critical examination. We are obliged, there- 
fore, to be content with mere glimpses of individual 
events and experiences. 

If we have judged correctly as to the year of the 
Admiral's birth, he was about twenty-six or seven 



EARLY YEARS. 17 

when he took up his abode in Lisbon. Not long 
after this change of residence, but in what year we 
cannot ascertain, an event took place which must 
have had an important influence, not only on his 
private life, but also on the development of his mari- 
time plans. It was at about this time that he was 
married ; but when, under what circumstances, and 
with whom, are questions which, notwithstanding all 
that has been written on the subject, cannot now be 
confidently determined. Following the statement of 
Fernando, it has been customary for historians to say 
that Columbus married the daughter of an old navi- 
gator of Porto Santo, Perestrello by name, to whom 
Prince Henry had given the governorship of the 
island in recognition of explorations and discoveries 
on the coast of Africa. But like so many other of 
the statements of Fernando, this turns out on exami- 
nation to be extremely improbable. Harrisse is en- 
titled to the credit of having traced the history of the 
Perestrello family, and of having found the names of 
the daughters, and even of their husbands. Not only 
is the name Columbus lacking in these lists, but it 
contains no one of the three sisters of Columbus's 
wife. This, it is true, is negative evidence only, but 
it is quite enough to shake our confidence in the 
statement of Fernando. Of positive evidence there 
is none whatever. The first ^nention of his having 
been married at all occurs in a letter presently to be 
quoted ; and the second was in the clause of his will 
providing for the saying of masses for his soul and for 
the souls of his father, mother, and wife. This docu- 



1 8 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

merit bears date of Aug. 25, 1505, and contains no 
mention of his wife's name. A name first appears 
eighteen years later, in the will of Diego, who calls 
himself the son of Christopher Columbus and his wife 
Donna Philippa Moniz. Elsewhere in the same will 
he refers to himself as the son of Felipa Muiiiz, the 
wife of Columbus, whose ashes repose in the monas- 
tery of Carmen at Lisbon. It is possible that Moiiiz, 
or Muniz, was not the father's name ; but the giving 
of the maiden name alone in such a connection was 
not usual at that time, and therefore, in the absence 
of other evidence, it would seem improbable that the 
name given was the surname of the father. It was 
not until nearly fifty years later that the narrative 
of Fernando first mentions the name of Perestrello. 
Las Casas and other later writers have done nothing 
but copy the statement of Fernando, without further 
investigation. The matter would be of trifling sig- 
nificance but for the fact that later historians 
have magnified this supposed marriage into a mat- 
ter of considerable professional importance. Las 
Casas tells us that he had learned from Diego 
Columbus that the Admiral and his wife lived for 
some time with the widow of Perestrello at Porto 
Santo, and that '■'■ all the papers, charts, journals, and 
maritime instruments" of the old navigators were 
placed at his disposal. But all the evidence of this 
fact now obtainable consists simply of repetitions of 
this statement. The most careful search of all the 
records has failed to discover a scrap of testimony that 
Columbus ever lived at Porto Santo or on any of 



EARLY YEARS. 19 

the other islands off the coast of Africa. Harrisse has 
devoted more than thirty octavo pages to a very criti- 
cal examination of all the evidence on the marriage of 
Columbus ; but he is unable to reach any other 
positive conclusion than that very many of the early 
statements in regard to the matter cannot pos- 
sibly be correct. As the result of his investiga- 
tions, he incUnes to the belief that the story of the 
Admiral's living at Porto Santo and profiting by the 
maritime possessions and experiences of Perestrello 
must be abandoned. Beyond the fact that the Ad- 
miral's wife bore the name of Philippa Moiiiz, nothing 
on the subject can be regarded as absolutely known. 
It seems probable that Columbus was not married till 
after 1474 ; but the exact date cannot be established. 
As we shall not have occasion to refer to Colum- 
bus's married life again, one fact more should here be 
noted. Fernando asserts that his father left Portugal 
in 1484 on account of the grief he experienced at the 
death of his wife. That the statement was incorrect, 
is shown by a letter, still in existence, in the hand- 
writing of the Admiral himself. This letter, which 
was written to Donna Juanna de la Torre, a noble lady 
at the Spanish court, for the purpose of presenting 
his cause and arguing it with the evident expectation 
that his plea would reach the attention of the sov- 
ereigns, finally uses these words : — 

" I beg you to take into consideration all I have writ- 
ten, and how I came from afar to serve these princes, 
— abandoning wife and children, who7n for this reason 
I never afterward saw.''"' 



20 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

This lamentable recital, written sixteen years after 
Columbus left Portugal for Spain, and at least nine 
years after he presented himself with his son Diego 
at La Rabida, leaves upon our minds the inevitable 
inference that when he fled from Portugal in 1484, 
he left behind him a wife and at least two children. 
Of his legitimate offspring, his heir and successor 
Diego is the only one of whom any record has been 
preserved. As we shall hereafter have occasion to 
note, Columbus left Portugal, not only in poverty, but 
under circumstances which made it imprudent for 
him to return. We are obliged to infer that his wife 
and children were left in indigence. Neither in the 
numerous writings of Columbus nor in any of the 
records of the time is there any allusion to the death 
of the wife or of the children. No letter that passed 
between husband and wife has ever been found. 
It remains only to add, on the subject of his con- 
jugal life, that Fernando, the historian, was the nat- 
ural son of Columbus by a Spanish woman, Beatriz 
Enriquez by name, and was born on the 15 th of 
August, 1488. 

Of the current life of Columbus at Lisbon we know 
very little. He seems to have been a skilful draughts- 
man and map-maker, — at least, in one of his letters to 
the Spanish king he says that God had endowed him 
with " ingenuity and manual skill in designing spheres 
and inscribing upon them in the proper places cities, 
rivers and mountains, isles and ports." Las Casas 
and Lopez de Gomera both assure us that Columbus 
made use of his skill as a means of livelihood. 



EARLY YEARS. 21 

There is also evidence that he was engaged to some 
extent in commercial enterprise or speculation. In 
his will he ordered considerable sums paid to the 
heirs of certain noble and rich Genoese established 
in Lisbon in 1482, — giving specific direction that 
they should not be informed from whom the money 
came. We know that he left Portugal secretly, and 
that the king, when inviting him to return, assured 
him immunity from civil and criminal prosecution. 
It has been plausibly conjectured that in the course 
of his commercial transactions he had incurred debts 
to his rich countrymen which he had never paid, and 
that at the last moment his conscience demanded 
absolution from these obligations. 

Though the occasion of such debts is purely hypo- 
thetical, it is not difficult to conjecture how they may 
have occurred. In the fifteenth century the com- 
mercial enterprise and opportunities of Lisbon at- 
tracted thither a large number of wealthy Florentine 
and Genoese merchants. We are informed that 
they were engaged in various commercial ventures ; 
and nothing could be more natural than that they 
should be ready to avail themselves of the maritime 
skill of their young countryman. In the journal of 
Columbus, under the date of Dec. 21, 1492, he 
wrote : — 

" I have navigated the sea during twenty-three years, 
without noteworthy interruption ; I have seen all the Le- 
vant and the Ponent ; what is called the Northern Way, — 
that is England; and I have sailed to Guinea." 

As there is no other evidence that he went to Eng- 
land, it is probable that the allusion here is to that 



2 2 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

northern voyage, which, as we have already seen, 
had had the seas about Iceland as its destination. 
Though it is not easy to conjecture how the phrase, 
" twenty- three years without noteworthy interruption," 
is to be reconciled with what we elsewhere learn of 
the years just before 1492, yet it is not difficult to 
understand how all the voyages referred to may have 
been made during that period. Before the discovery 
of the Cape of Good Hope by Bartholomew Diaz in 
December of 1487, the remotest navigable sea was 
not far away. To visit the North, the West, or the 
South was not an enterprise of long duration ; and the 
mariner who had explored the Black Sea, the Medi- 
terranean, the Atlantic from the equator to Iceland 
and the Baltic, might well claim to be familiar with 
all the seas that were navigable to a European. 

Such were the most important of the experiences, 
which, so far as we can now know, gave form and 
fibre to the character of Columbus. If the years 
were full of turbulent experiences, it is evident that 
they were also years full of absorbing thought. 

Soon after Columbus reached Lisbon, even if not be- 
fore, he became possessed with the great idea that im- 
portant discoveries could be made by sailing due west. 
Was the idea original with him? Was such a notion 
entertained by others? These questions, on which 
so much of the credit of Columbus depends, can 
only be answered after we take at least a brief survey 
of the geographical knowledge of the time. 

It will perhaps never be known who first pro- 
pounded the theory of the sphericity of the earth ; 
but we are certain that it was systematically taught by 



EARLY YEARS. 23 

the Pythagoreans of southern Italy in the sixth cen- 
tury before Christ. With the writings of Pythagoras, 
Plato was familiar, and perhaps it was from this bold 
western speculator that the great Athenian philoso- 
pher received the impression that finally ripened into ' 
an unquestioning belief. Pythagoras believed the 
earth to be a sphere, and his views and theories are 
set forth in two of Plato's works. 

But it was the great successor of Plato who was to 
have the credit of giving these views systematic form. 
In a treatise " On the Heavens " Aristotle gave a 
formal summary of the grounds leading to a behef in 
the earth's sphericity. 

Greece bequeathed this doctrine to Rome, where 
it was specifically taught by Pliny and Hyginus, and 
was referred to with seeming approval by Cicero and 
Ovid. From the literature of Rome it passed into 
many of the school-books of the Middle Ages. 

The Greeks and Romans were fertile as specula- 
tors, but as navigators they really did very little. Not 
until the last days of the Republic did the existence of 
lands beyond the sea become generally known. It was 
m the time of Sulla that Sertorius brought back the 
curious story that, when on an expedition to Baetica, 
he fell in with certain sailors, who declared that they 
had just returned from the Atlantic islands, which 
they described as distant ten thousand stadia, or 
about twelve hundred and fifty miles, from Africa, and 
as having a wonderful flora and a still more wonder- 
ful climate. It was not until a few years later that 
the Canaries became known as the Fortunate Islands. 



i 



24 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

Notwithstanding all that had been done by the Tyri- 
ans and Carthaginians, Pliny refers to the Pillars of 
Hercules as the limit of navigation. 

No systematic effort to extend the boundaries of 
geographical knowledge can be attributed to the Ro- 
mans. There was no international competition in \ 
trade, for the reason that Rome had come to be self- 
reliant, and, in theory at least, to possess everything 
that was of value. Interest therefore was purely 
speculative. There was no compass ; there were 
none but small ships. 

Added to this, it must be said that there was a gen- 
eral and vivid horror of the western ocean. Pindar 
declared that no one, however brave, could pass be- 
yond Gades ; " for only a god," he said, " might 
voyage in those waters." 

The views of the Romans were set forth in some- 
what systematic form by Strabo and Pomponius Mela. 
The work of Mela, written during the first half of the 
first century, had considerable influence throughout 
the Middle Ages. The first edition was printed in 
147 1 at Milan, and this was followed by editions at 
Venice in 1478 and 1482. 

Of far greater importance were the writings of 
Ptolemy. Near the end of the second century he 
not only brought together in systematic form the 
ideas of those who had gone before him, but he 
elaborated and set forth a system of his own. His 
work thus became a great source of geographical 
information throughout the twelve centuries that 
were to follow. The book, however, scarcely had 



EARLY YEARS. 25 

any popular significance before the fifteenth century ; 
for until that time it was locked up within the mys- 
teries of the Greek language. But in 1409, a ver- 
sion in Latin disseminated his views throughout 
Europe. 
-/, In one respect the theories of Ptolemy were excep- 
tionally important in their bearing upon the western 
discoveries. It was his belief that the further exten- 
sion of geographical knowledge was to be obtained by 
pushing the lines of investigation toward the west 
rather than toward the north or toward the south. It 
is of significance in the life of Columbus that the first 
edition of Ptolemy was printed in 1475, ^^^^ ^^^^ 
several other editions were issued from the press 
before 1492. It is also of interest to note that the 
views promulgated by the Alexandrian geographer 
were essentially the views held and advocated by 
Columbus. 

The theologians generally rejected the idea of 
sphericity. There were, however, some very notable 
exceptions. The doctrine was positively taught by 
Saint Isadore of Seville, and was somewhat elaborately 
set forth by the Venerable Bede. Of still more im- 
portance was the unquestioning acceptance of this 
doctrine by that great protagonist of the faith. Saint 
Thomas Aquinas. Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon, 
and Dante seem also, in a more or less definite form, 
to have accepted the same doctrine. 

In any account, however brief, of the early years of 
Columbus, a statement should also be made concern- 
ing some of the explorers who had performed an 



26 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

important part in pushing out the boundaries of 
knowledge. 

One of the most remarkable of these was John de 
Mandeville. It is very properly the fashion to regard 
this audacious romancer as one of the most unscru- 
pulous of all explorers. It is certain that he did not 
see a quarter or perhaps even a tenth part of the 
things which he affects to describe. But in spite of 
all these characteristics, there is one passage in the 
book that can hardly fail to have made a deep impres- 
sion on the mind of Columbus. In this remarkable 
passage the author relates, in the quaint language of 
the time, how he himself came to the conclusion that 
the earth was a sphere. His words are, — 

" In the north the south lodestar is not seen; and in the 
south, the north is not seen. ... By which say you certainly 
that men may environ all the earth, as well under as 
above, and turn again to his country, and always find 
men as well as in this country. . . . For ye witten well 
that they that turn toward the Antarctic, be straight feet 
against feet of them that dwell under the transmontayne, 
as well as we and they that dwell under us be feet 
against feet." 

Of still more importance in shaping directly or in- 
directly the opinions of Columbus was the great work 
of Marco Polo. This Venetian traveller, after spend- 
ing many years in China and Japan, and having the 
best of opportunities for observation, published the 
great work on which his reputation as a traveller and 
writer is founded. He not only described with con- 
siderable minuteness the countries which he visited, 



EARLY YEARS. 27 

but he pictured, though with gross exaggerations, 
the great wealth of many of the eastern cities. Co- 
lumbus supposed that these regions, still in the hands 
of infidels, could be reached by sailing westward 
across the Atlantic. 

But there was another book that had more in- 
fluence upon Columbus than all the others ; and this 
was the " Imago Mundi " of Cardinal d'Ailly. It was 
a kind of encyclopaedia of geographical knowledge, in 
which the author had endeavoured to bring together 
all the prevailing views in regard to the form of the 
earth. In the copy of this remarkable book, still pre- 
served in the Columbian Library at Seville, there are 
still to be seen numerous marginal annotations by 
Columbus himself. These notes make us absolutely 
certain that the navigator studied very carefully 
and early became familiar with the beliefs of all 
the geographical writers of antiquity and of the 
Middle Ages. 

It is natural to ask the question why, if the earth 
was known to be spherical, and if the^'compass was 
already in existence, voyages of discovery wqre so long 
delayed ? If one looks at the geographical works of 
the time, one sees everywhere taught the notion that 
the unknown regions were peopled with monsters 
ready to devour any who approached. One of the 
pictures in the Nuremberg Chronicle, for illustration, 
represents the Atlantic as filled with monsters so huge 
as to be able and ready to lift any ship easily upon 
its back and dash it to destruction. The Arabs be- 
lieved and taught that in the torrid zone the moisture 



28 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

was so much sucked up by the heat of the sun that 
the residue was impervious to the passage of ships. 
P.opular creduUty everywhere seemed to gain the 
mastery over science. The early Anglo-Saxon schol- 
ars believed that the earth was a globe ; but in spite 
of all their teaching, we find in an early Anglo- 
Saxon tract, intended to convey abstruse information 
in the form of a dialogue, the following question and 
answer : — 



" Question : Tell me, my son, why the sun is so red in 

e evening ? 

'■'■Answer : Because it looketh down upon hell." 



i 



It must be conceded that this doctrine was suffi- 
ciently discouraging to western navigation. 

It should not, however, be forgotten that while 
views concerning the sphericity of the earth were 
gradually making their impression, geographical 
knowledge was extending itself through the efforts 
of explorers. The boldest adventurers were gradu- 
ally pressing their way into the far north. The 
inhabitants of Iceland — perhaps from their geo- 
graphical isolation — were especially adventurous. ^ 
Within the present century the evidence has been 
made complete that America was visited and ex- | 
plored in the eleventh century, and that accounts l 
of these explorations in detail became a part of the 
national literature. But Iceland was so isolated from 
the rest of Europe that these explorations seem to 
have made no impression, even if they were at all 
known. The first allusion to the discovery of Amer- 



? 



EARLY YEARS. 29 

ica by the Scandinavians ever printed was that of 
Adam von Bremen, in his work issued from the press 
at Copenhagen in 1579. Although the work had 
been in manuscript for centuries, there is no evi- 
dence that these explorations made any impression 
upon the literature or knowledge of the time. If 
Columbus visited Iceland, it is probable that he be- 
came acquainted with the traditions of these western 
voyages. It is of course possible that he obtained 
positive information from the stories that may have 
been current among the seafaring men of Iceland 
in the fifteenth century. But the matter is left in 
doubt by the fact that no such knowledge was ever 
revealed by Columbus after his return ; and it hardly 
seems probable that he would have kept such an 
item of information locked up in his own brain at a 
time when he was trying to bring every argument 
to bear upon the Portuguese and Spanish courts. 

While these numerous intellectual purveyors were 
bringing to the mind of Columbus their varied stores 
of information, an event occurred which must have 
had a powerful influence in shaping and intensifying 
his purpose. 

In the year 1474 there was living at Florence the 
venerable astronomer and geographer Toscanelli. 
This eminent savant, now seventy-eight years of age, 
after having enjoyed the honours of connection with 
nearly all the learned societies of that day, had been 
greatly interested in the recently published book of 
Marco Polo. From the account given by this Vene- 
tian traveller, Toscanelli had arrived at certain inter- 



so CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

esting views in regard to the size of the earth. He 
had satisfied himself that the open water between 
western Europe and eastern Asia could be crossed 
in a voyage of not more than three thousand miles. 
The letters of Toscanelli have been preserved, and 
they form a most interesting part of the history of 
this period. We cannot quote from them at any 
length, but the importance of the correspondence 
is sufficient to justify a concise statement of the par- 
ticular significance of the letters. | 

In the first place, in one of the letters, dated in 
1474, Toscanelli says that he had already written to 
the king of Portugal, urging upon him the practica- i 

bility of reaching Japan and China by sailing directly 
west. He had accompanied this statement, more- f 

over, with a map showing what, in his opinion, would 
be found in the course of the proposed voyage. 
Unfortunately, the original map of Toscanelli, so far 
as we know, has not been preserved. Copies of it, 
which we may presume to be substantially accurate, 
however, enable us to form a sufficient impression 
as to the general nature of his geographical views. 
He had no conception of another continent. On 
the contrary, he believed that the eastern part of 
Asia, excepting as it was fringed with Cipango 
(Japan) and other islands, presented its broad and 
hospitable front to any navigator bold enough to sail 
two or three thousand miles directly west from Por- 
tugal or Spain. These beliefs are important, because ■ 
they are the identical ones afterward held by Co- 
lumbus, not only at the time of his first voyage, but 
also even until the day of his death. 



EARLY YEARS. 3 1 

Another fact indicated in the Toscanelli letters 
is the desire expressed by Columbus, showing clearly 
that as early as 1474, three years before the reputed 
visit to Iceland, he had formed a definite purpose, 
if possible, to visit and explore the unknown regions 
of the east by sailing west. 

Another peculiarity of Toscanelli's letters relates 
to the wealth of the countries to be explored. On 
this point he not only refers to Marco Polo, but also 
speaks of the descriptions given by an ambassador 
in the time of Pope Eugenius IV. He says : *' I was 
a great deal in his company, and he gave me descrip- 
tions of the munificence of his king, and of the 
immense rivers in that territory, which contained, 
as he stated, two hundred cities with marble bridges 
upon the banks of a single stream." " The city 
of Quinsay," Toscanelli continues, " is thirty-five 
leagues in circuit, and it contains ten large marble 
bridges, built upon immense columns of singular 
magnificence." Of Cipango, he says : " This island 
possesses such an abundance of precious stones and 
metals that the temples and royal palaces are covered 
with plates of gold." 

We have now seen — briefly, it is true, but per- 
haps with sufficient fulness — how Columbus in vari- 
ous ways had received his education. If called upon 
to sum up the impressions that he had gained in the 
course of his experience at Genoa and Lisbon before 
1484, the result would be something like the follow- 
ing : First, he acquired a very definite and positive 
belief in the sphericity of the earth. Secondly, 



32 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

through Toscanelh, Cardinal d'Ailly, and others, he 
had likewise received an equally definite and posi- 
tive impression that the size of the earth was much 
less than it actually is. His belief was that Japan 
would be reached by sailing west a distance not 
greater than the distance which actually intervenes 
between Portugal and the eastern coasts of America. 
In the third place, these beliefs were confirmed by 
certain vague reports of sailors that had been driven 
to the far west, and by such articles as had been 
thrown by the waters upon the islands lying west 
of Portugal and northern Africa. 

What may be called the approaches to the dis- 
covery of America were, in their general character- 
istics, not unlike those which have generally preceded 
other great discoveries and inventions. Seldom in 
the history of the human race has the conception 
and the consummation of a great discovery been the 
product of a single brain. The final achievement 
is ordinarily only the culminating act of the more 
logical mind and the more dauntless courage. Such 
was the case with Columbus. The more one be- 
comes familiar with the thought and the enterprise 
of the fifteenth century, the more clearly one sees 
how impossible it would have been for America to 
have long remained undiscovered, even if there had 
been no Columbus. We shall hereafter see how a 
Portuguese fleet, in the year 1500, when sailing for 
Good Hope, and with no thought of a western con- 
tinent, was driven by storms to the coast of Brazil. 
But none of these facts should detract from the credit 



4 



EARLY YEARS. 33 

of Columbus. The great man of such a time is the 
one who shows that he knows the law of develop- 
ment, and, bringing all possible knowledge to his 
service, works, with a lofty courage and an unflagging 
persistency and enthusiasm, for the object of his 
devotion in accordance with the strict laws of histori- 
cal sequence. Such was the method of Columbus. 
Others, perhaps, were as familiar with all the geo- 
graphical facts and theories with which he had so long 
been storing his mind ; others even saw as clearly 
the conclusions to which these facts and theories so 
distinctly pointed : but he alone, of all the men of 
his generation, was possessed with the lofty enthu- 
siasm, the ardent prescience, the unhasting and un- 
resting courage, that were the harbingers of glorious 
success. 



34 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 



CHAPTER II. 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 



An ent-erprise so vast and hazardous as that proposed 
by Columbus was not Hkely to receive adequate assis- 
tance from any private benefactor. Though the Por- 
tuguese had long been considered daring navigators, 
no one of them had yet undertaken an expedition in 
any way comparable in point of novelty and boldness 
with that now proposed. The explorers of Prince 
Henry had skirted along the coasts of Africa, follow- 
ing out lines of discovery that had already been some- I 
what plainly marked out. But what Columbus now 
proposed was the bolder course of cutting loose from 
old traditions and methods, and sailing directly west 
into an unknown space. Capital was even more con- 
servative and timid in the fifteenth century than it is 
at the present time ; and therefore great expeditions 
were much more dependent upon governmental assis- 
tance. It was not singular, therefore, that Columbus 
found himself obliged to seek for governmental sup- 
port and protection. 

But in this, as in so many other details in the life 
of Columbus, it is impossible at the present time to 
be confident that we have ascertained the exact 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 35 

truth. Many of the early accounts are conflicting ; 
and not a few of the prevaihng impressions are 
founded on evidence that will not bear the test of 
critical examination. For example, nearly all of the 
historians assert that Columbus made application for 
assistance to the governments of Genoa and Venice. 

The only authority for belief that the Admiral ap- 
plied to Genoa is a statement of Ramusio, who affirms 
that he received his information from Peter Martyr. 
In the course of the narrative he says that when the 
application was rejected, Columbus, at the age of forty, 
determined to go to Portugal. Unfortunately, to our 
acceptance of this circumstantial statement there are 
several very serious obstacles. In the first place, no 
authority for such an assertion can be found in all the 
writings of Peter Martyr. Again, the archives of 
Genoa have been thoroughly explored in vain for 
any evidence of such an application. But most im- 
portant of all, the assertion, if true, would prove that 
Columbus was born as early as 1430. We should 
also be obliged to infer that two of his children by 
the same mother differed in age by at least thirty-six 
years. The impression that Columbus made applica- 
tion for assistance to Genoa may therefore safely be 
dismissed as apocryphal. 

The evidence in regard to an application to Venice, 
though less positive in its nature, is also inconclusive. 
The Venetian historian Carlo Antonio Marin, whose 
history of Venetian commerce was not published till 
the year 1800, was the first to give currency to the 
story. His authority is this. He says that Francesco 



36 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

Pesaro said to him some ten or twelve years before, — 
that is, about 1 780, — that in making some researches 
in the archives of the Council of Ten, he had seen 
and read a letter of Columbus making application to 
the Venetian Government for assistance. But al- 
though diligent search has since been made at two 
different times throughout the archives for the years 
between 1470 and 1492, no trace of such a letter has 
ever been found. It is possible that this important 
document may have been destroyed when, just before 
the preliminaries of Leoben, in May, 1797, a mob 
invaded the hall of the Council of Ten and dispersed 
such of the papers as could be found. But until some 
further evidence comes to light, it must be consid- 
ered doubtful whether apphcation to Venice was ever 
made. 

In regard to applications to Portugal, England, and 
France, the evidence is less incomplete, though here, 
too, we meet with not a few conflicting statements. 

In one of his letters to the Spanish sovereigns 
Columbus says : " For twenty-seven years I had been 
trying to get recognition, but at the end of that pe- 
riod all my projects were turned to ridicule. . . . But 
notwithstanding this fact," he continues, " I pressed 
on with zeal, and responded to France, Portugal, and 
England that I reserved for the king and queen those 
countries and those domains." Elsewhere he says : 
*' In order to serve your Highnesses, I listened to 
neither England nor Portugal nor France, whose 
princes wrote me letters which your Highnesses can 
see in the hands of Dr. Villalono." 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 37 

There is another bit of evidence on this subject 
that is not less interesting. On the 19th of March, 
1493, the Duke of Medina CeU wrote to Cardinal de 
Mendoza asking that he might be permitted to send 
vessels every year to trade in America, and urging as 
a reason for this special favor the fact that he had 
prevented Columbus from going to the service of 
France and had held him to the service of Spain, at 
a time when he had opportunities for going elsewhere. 

But as if to prevent us from being too confident 
that we have arrived at the exact truth, Columbus in 
another of his letters gives us a statement which, if it 
stood alone, would seem to prove that John II. not 
only made no offer, but stubbornly refused all assist- 
ance. He says : " The king of Portugal refused with 
blindness to second me in my projects of maritime 
discovery, for God closed his eyes, ears, and all his 
senses, so that in fourteen years I was not able to 
make him listen to what I advanced." 

From this it w^ould seem to be certain that the offer 
of Portugal alluded to in the letter above quoted was 
not made earlier than 1487, fully two years after 
Columbus had arrived in Spain. 

That Columbus's application was made as early as 
1474, the ToscaneUi correspondence is sufficient 
proof. But the moment was not auspicious. John II., 
who was then reigning, appears to have had no aver- 
sion to giving aid to such an enterprise ; but he was 
involved in expensive wars, and any additional drafts 
upon the treasury would have met with exceptional 
difficulty. 



38 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

But there was another reason that ought not to be 
overlooked. The recent maritime history of Portugal 
had given the Government a very natural feeling of 
self-reliance. The extraordinary efforts and successes 
of Prince Henry had borne fruit. Portugal had not 
only raised up a large number of skilful explorers, but 
had attracted to Lisbon all the great navigators of the 
time. Diego Cam and Behaim had gone beyond the 
Congo. Affonso de Aviero had visited the kingdom 
of Benin, and Pedro de Covilham had advanced to 
Calicut by way of the Red Sea. Affonso de Pavia had 
reached Abyssinia, and Bartholomew Diaz was at the 
point of doubling the Cape of Good Hope. Thus a 
vast number of expeditions had been sent out, not 
only to the coasts of Africa, but also to the open sea. 
In 1 5 13 De Mafra testified that the king of Portugal 
had sent out two exploring expeditions that had re- 
turned without results. In view of all these facts the 
refusal of the Portuguese monarch might easily be ex- 
plained on the ground of anterior engagements to his 
own subjects. 

But notwithstanding the assurances of Columbus 
himself, it is certain that there was no absolute re- 
fusal. On the contrary, there is positive proof that 
the king took the matter into most careful considera- 
tion. He not only listened with attention to the 
scheme, but, if we may believe the testimony of Fer- 
nando, gave a qualified promise of support. Colum- 
bus accepted an invitation of the monarch to unfold 
his hypothesis in reference to the extent of Asia, the 
splendors of the region described by Marco Polo, the 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 39 

shortness of the distance across the Atlantic, and 
the entire practicabiUty of reaching the East Indies 
by a directly westward course. 

Of this interview we have two accounts, one writ- 
ten by the Admiral's son Fernando, and the other by 
De Barros, the Portuguese historiographer. According 
to Fernando, his father supported the prosecution of 
the plan by such excellent reasons that the king did not 
hesitate to give his consent. But when Columbus, be- 
ing a man of lofty and noble ideals, demanded hon- 
orable titles and rewards, the king found the matter 
quite beyond the means then at his disposal. De 
Barros, on the other hand, assures us that the seeming 
acquiescence of the king was simply his manner of an- 
swering what he regarded as the unreasonable importu- 
nities of Columbus. He considered the navigator as 
a vainglorious man, fond of displaying his abilities and 
^ven to fantastic notions, such as those respecting the 
island of Cipango. According to this same authority, 
it was but another way of getting rid of Columbus 
that the king referred the whole subject to a com- 
mittee of the Council for Geographical Affairs. 

It is said that councils of war never fight, and that 
advisory boards regard the promoters of new schemes 
as their natural enemies. The committee to whom 
the king referred the proposal of Columbus was made 
up of two Jewish physicians and a bishop. Although 
the physicians, Roderigo and Joseph, were reputed as 
the most able cosmographers of the realm, they had 
not much hesitation in deciding that the project was 
extravagant and visionary. With this judgment the 



40 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

ecclesiastical member of the council seems to have 
agreed. 

The king, however, as if unwilling to lose any valu- 
able opportunity, does not appear to have been satis- 
fied with this answer. As the story goes, he convoked 
his royal council, and asked their advice whether to 
adopt this new route, or to pursue that which had 
already been opened. 

Von Concelos, the historian of King John II., has 
given a graphic account of the discussion held be- 
fore this council. The Bishop of Ceuta, the same 
important dignitary that had been a member of the 
committee of three, opposed this scheme in a cool 
and deliberate speech. The opposite side was pre- 
sented by Dom Pedro de Meneses with so much 
eloquence and power that the impression he made 
quite surpassed that of the colder reasonings of the 
bishop. What followed was apparently prompted by 
a consciousness that the advocates of the scheme were 
likely to be successful. The bishop now proposed a 
very unworthy scheme. He asked that Columbus 
might be kept in suspense while a vessel should be 
secretly despatched by the king to discover whether 
there was any foundation for his theory. The king 
appears not to have been above the adoption of so 
base a proposition. Columbus was required to fur- 
nish for the consideration of the council a plan of 
his proposed voyage, together with the charts and 
maps with which he intended to guide his course. A 
small vessel was despatched, ostensibly to the Cape 
de Verde islands, but with private instructions to pro- 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 4 1 

ceed on the route pointed out by Columbus. The 
officer had no heart in the enterprise, and it was a 
complete failure. Sailing westward for several days, 
they encountered storms, and the sailors, losing 
their courage, returned to ridicule the project as 
impossible. 

When these facts came to be known, they produced 
a very natural impression on the mind of Columbus. 
Disgusted with the treatment he had received from 
the Portuguese, he quitted Lisbon for Spain at a 
date which cannot be determined with precision, but 
probably in the latter part of the year 1484 or in the 
early part of 1485. His departure had to be secret, 
lest he should be detained either by the king or his 
creditors. Color is given to the supposition that he 
was under grave charges of some kind by the fact 
that King John, when, some years later, inviting him 
to return to Portugal, deemed it necessary to insure 
him " against arrest on account of any process, civil 
or criminal, that might be pending against him." 

Now, in considering all these accounts, it is not 
difficult to imagine that in his efforts to promote his 
great schemes, Columbus had been kept in poverty. 
But the reasons for his leaving in secret, and even 
his movements on leaving Portugal, are involved in 
uncertainty. 

It has also very often been held by modern histo- 
rians that Columbus, immediately after entering Spain, 
found his way to the monastery of La Rabida, near 
Palos. The authority for this belief, moreover, is 
nothing less than a circumstantial account given by 



42 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

Fernando. But the assertion has been proved to be 
incorrect. In the trial of 1513, in which Diego Co- 
lumbus attempted to establish certain claims against 
the Government, two witnesses gave sworn testimony 
in regard to the meeting at La Rabida. This testi- 
mony is still to be seen in the records of the trial ; 
and the details of the evidence make it almost abso- 
lutely certain that the visit of Columbus to that 
famous monastery was not when he first entered 
Spain in 1484 or 1485, but as late as September or 
October of 1491. 

Of another interesting effort, however, we have 
more positive information. It was probably before 
leaving Portugal that he despatched his brother Bar- 
tholomew to make application to the king of England. 
But whatever the date of the application, it was not 
successful. Whether the presentation of the case 
was made orally or in writing can perhaps never be 
determined. It is known that he was in England for a 
considerable period ; but no trace of the application 
itself has ever been found in the English authorities 
of the time. After remaining in England probably 
until 1488, Bartholomew went to France, where he 
remained until 1494. Though it seems probable that 
he received some encouragement at the French court, 
even the probability rests upon no documentary evi- 
dence except the assertion of Columbus, already 
quoted. That hopes were held out, may perhaps be 
inferred from the fact that when, almost at the last 
moment, Columbus turned his back upon the Spanish 
court, he decided to go to France. 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 43 

As to the course pursued by Columbus after he 
reached Spain, there is also some uncertainty. This 
is owing to the impossibility of reconciling some of 
the statements of Fernando with many of the other 
statements found in the contemporaneous records. If 
the narrative of the son in regard to the course of the 
father is followed, the student will find himself in a 
labyrinth of difficulties. Fernando would have us 
believe that immediately after entering Spain his 
father went to the court of Medina Celi, and a little 
later had his famous experience at the monastery of 
La Rabida. But it is impossible to reconcile such a 
statement with the subsequent current of events. We 
know, as we shall presently see, that Columbus was 
two years in the house of the Duke of Medina Celi, 
and that at the end of that period he took a letter of 
introduction and commendation to Cardinal Mendoza 
at the court of Ferdinand and Isabella. We know 
also that the visit to La Rabida was the cause of a 
letter being written which induced Columbus to take 
that journey to the court, which resulted in the ulti- 
mate adoption of his cause. The letter of Medina, 
moreover, assured the monarch that Columbus was on 
the point of taking his enterprise to the court of 
France. This assertion appears to be altogether in- 
compatible with the supposition that the abode of 
Columbus with Medina Celi was in the early part of 
his residence in Spain. Not to present a tedious 
array of irreconcilable details, it is perhaps enough to 
say that if the statement of Fernando is once rejected, 
the way is, for the most part, easy and clear. If we 



44 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 



once adopt the supposition that the abode with 
Medina CeU began in 1489, and that the visit to 
La Rabida was in September or October of 149 1, 
we shall rest on the authority of Las Casas, and 
shall find that the difficulties in the way of account- 
ing for the movements of Columbus are chiefly re- 
moved. Against this supposition, moreover, there is 
no evidence except the statement of Fernando, pub- 
lished not less than eighty years after the events it 
purports to describe. 

With this explanation let us endeavour to point out } 

the course of Columbus in the light of the original 
evidence. 

Before we can understand the course that was 
taken, we must glance at the general condition of 
Spain. 

The modern Inquisition was established in Castile 
by royal decree in September of 1480. It proceeded 
with so much energy that in the course of the following 
year, it is estimated that no less than two thousand per- 
sons were burned at the stake. The queen appears 
to have had some scruples in regard to this wholesale 
slaughter ; but these were allayed by Pope Sixtus the 
Fourth, who encouraged her by an audacious reference 
to the example of Christ, who, he said, established his 
kingdom by the destruction of idolatry. This teaching 
was effective. In the autumn of 1483 the terrible Tor- 
quemada was appointed Inquisitor-General, and clothed 
with full powers to reorganize the Holy Office and ex- 
terminate heresy. From that time until the end of this 
inquisitor's term of office, according to the estimation 



i 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 45 

of Llorente, the annual number of persons condemned 
to torture was more than six thousand, and in the 
course of the whole period more than ten thousand 
were burned alive. The success of the Inquisition in 
Castile was so satisfactory that Ferdinand resolved to 
introduce it into Aragon. Notwithstanding a remon- 
strance of the Cortes, the auto-da-fe, with all its hor- 
rors, was set up at Saragossa in the month of May, 
1485. The Aragonese, despairing of any other way 
of protecting themselves, resolved upon an appalling 
act of violence. Arbues, the most odious of the in- 
quisitors, was attacked by a band of conspirators and 
assassinated on his knees before the great altar of 
the cathedral, in a manner that reminds us of the 
death of Thomas a Becket at Canterbury. The whole 
kingdom was consequently thrown into turmoil. 

But there were other causes of anxiety. This very 
year the prevalence of the plague added to the gen- 
eral solicitude. In some of the southern districts of 
the kingdom the ravages of the pestilence showed 
not only the appalling condition of the people, but 
also the necessity of governmental assistance. In 
several of the cities as many as eight or ten thousand 
of the inhabitants were swept away. In Seville alone 
the number that perished this very year was no less 
than fifteen thousand. 

Just at this juncture, moreover, the coin of the realm 
was adulterated, and a fatal shock was given to com- 
mercial credit. The people very generally refused to 
receive the debased money in payment of debts. 
Prices of ordinary articles rose to such a height as to 



46 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

be above the reach of the poorer classes of the com- 
munity. Great destitution prevailed, and the resources 
of the Government were put to the severest strain. 
Even if there had been no other tax upon the treasures 
of the king and queen, the time would not have been 
propitious for an application like that of Columbus. 

But there was another and a still more important 
reason. For more than three years the terrible war 
against the Moors had been taxing the resources of 
the united armies of Ferdinand and Isabella. When 
the Genoese navigator entered Spain, the court was 
making active preparations for a vigorous continuation 
of that titanic struggle. The rival kings of Granada 
had formed a coalition that now called for the most 
prompt and vigorous action. The headquarters of the 
king and queen were established at Cordova, where 
the active operations in the field could be most easily 
and successfully directed ; and all the resources of 
Castile and Aragon were called into requisition to 
meet these emergencies in the famous contest of the 
Cross against the Crescent. 

No one can fairly judge either of the generosity or 
of the justice of the monarchs in dealing with Colum- 
bus, without taking into consideration all these prior 
obligations. At the very moment when this enter- 
prising navigator applied for assistance, there must 
have arisen to the minds of Ferdinand and Isabella a 
vivid consciousness of the ominous ferment caused by 
the work of the Inquisition ; of the suffering occa- 
sioned by the plague ; of the starvation that every- 
where appealed for help in consequence of the 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 47 

debasement of the currency and the rise in prices ; 
and, finally, of the all-absorbing necessity of bringing 
every resource of the country to bear upon the end- 
ing of this terrible war against Granada. Nor can it 
be forgotten that the war was still to make its de- 
mands upon the country for six years. In view of all 
the facts, it is difficult to imagine a concurrence of 
circumstances more unfavorable to the application. 
The monarchs could not have been justly blamed if 
they had summarily declared that a granting of the 
application was impossible. And yet, that they were 
unwilling to reject the application outright, the course 
of events abundantly shows. 

Columbus, in a letter dated the 14th of January, 
1493, says that seven years the twentieth of that 
month had rolled away since he entered the service 
of the Spanish monarchs. This exact statement, cor- 
roborated in substance as it is by others, would seem 
to fix the date of his entering the Spanish service as 
the 20th of January, i486. What the nature of this 
service was, cannot now be determined. Nor do we 
know whether from this time he received pecuniary 
support. The first record of such assistance, indeed 
the first authentic documentary evidence of his being 
in Spain, occurs in an entry in the books of the royal 
treasurer for the 5th of May, 1487. Under this date 
is found the following entry : " To-day paid three 
thousand maravedis [about twenty dollars] to Chris- 
topher Columbus, stranger, who is here employed in 
certain things for their Highnesses, under the direc- 
tion of Alphonso de Quintanilla, by order of the 



48 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

bishop." In one of his letters to Ferdinand, Colum- 
bus says : " As soon as your Highness had knowledge 
of my desire [to visit the Indies], you protected me 
and honored me with favors." 

While there is nothing in these "assertions to indi- 
cate the exact date when Columbus began to receive 
pecuniary assistance, we are justified in the inference 
that it was in January of i486. 

There is no evidence, however, that Columbus pre- 
sented himself at the Spanish capital before the fol- 
lowing spring. Surely the times must have seemed 
to him inauspicious. The monarchs had established 
themselves at Cordova as the most convenient place 
for the headquarters of the army. Early in the year, 
the king marched off to lay siege to the Moorish city 
of lUora, while Isabella remained at Cordova to for- 
ward the necessary troops and supplies. A httle 
later we find both monarchs, in person, carrying on 
the siege of Moclin. Scarcely had they returned to 
Cordova, however, when they were obliged to set out 
for Galicia to suppress the rebellion of the Count of 
Lemos. 

During this summer of military turmoil, Columbus 
remained at Cordova vainly waiting for an opportu- 
nity to present his cause. Fortunately he was not 
wdthout some encouragement ; for he had gained the 
favor of Alonzo de Quintanilla, whose guest he be- 
came, and through whom he made the acquaintance 
of Geraldini, the preceptor of the younger children of 
Ferdinand and Isabella. 

When the monarchs repaired to the northern town 



I 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 49 

of Salamanca for the winter, Columbus also went 
thither with his friends Quintanilla and Geraldini. 
Here it was that the cause of the explorer first had a 
formal hearing. 

At this audience it is not probable that Queen Isa- 
bella was present ; at least, the only part of the dis- 
cussion taken by the monarchs seems to have been 
that of the king. It is said that Columbus unfolded 
his scheme with entire self-possession. He appears to 
have been neither dazzled nor daunted ; for in a letter 
to the sovereign, in 1501, he declares that on this oc- 
casion " he felt himself kindled as with a fire from on 
high, and considered himself as an agent chosen by 
Heaven to accomplish a grand design." 

But so important a matter as that now urged upon 
the sovereigns was not to be entered upon lightly or 
in haste. However willing the king may have been 
to be the promoter of discoveries far more important 
than those which had shed glory upon Portugal, he 
was too cool and shrewd a man to decide a matter 
hastily which involved so many scientific principles. 
Of the details of what followed we have no authentic 
account. After more than a hundred years had 
passed away, and the glory of the discovery had come 
in some measure to be appreciated, the claim was 
set up that a congress or junta of learned men was 
called together, and that the whole subject was sub- 
mitted to their consideration. The account, however, 
is accompanied with many suspicious circumstances. 
The historian Remesal was a Dominican monk and 
a member of the monastery of St. Stephen at Sala- 

4 



/ 



) 



50 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

manca, where, it is said, the junta was held. In his 
narrative he claims that the ecclesiastical members, 
for the most part monks of St. Stephen, listened with 
approval to the presentation of the case, while those 
who might be called the scientific members strenu- 
ously opposed it. This statement, which is the basis 
of Irving's account, is not only inherently improbable, 
but is supported by no contemporaneous evidence 
whatever. The absence of such evidence, moreover, 
is enough to condemn the whole story. The records 
of the monastery, which are supposed to be com- 
plete, contain no reference to any such meeting. Las 
Casas, himself a Dominican, would have been sure to 
introduce the account into his narrative if it had 
rested upon any basis of fact. He makes no allusion 
to any such meeting, and we are forced to conclude 
that the story was fabricated for ecclesiastical pur- 
poses. But although no such formal meeting was 
ever held, there is evidence that Ferdinand obtained, 
in an informal way, the opinions of some of the most 
learned men of the time. 

The city of Salamanca, where this order was issued, 
seemed in every way favourable for such a hearing ; 
for at this ancient capital was situated one of the 
most renowned universities of Spain. It is difficult 
to suppose that the professors of that venerable insti- 
tution were not familiar with the latest theories in 
regard to the sphericity of the earth ; but notwith- 
standing this fact, Columbus had to confront, not 
only the prudent conservatism of learning, but also 
the obstinate conservatism of the Church. The fac- 



i 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 51 

ulties were made up partly of ecclesiastics, and partly 
of others who soon became fully imbued with the 
ecclesiastical spirit. It was at a time when there 
was no more thought of tolerating heresy than there 
was of tolerating arson. The Inquisition, as we have 
just seen, had recently been established. In both 
the king and the queen an ardent religious zeal was 
united with great political and military skill, as well 
as great personal popularity. Heresy was the most 
dangerous of crimes, and the strictest adherence to 
traditional doctrines was encouraged by all the con- 
siderations of loyalty, of interest, and of prudence. 
To the dark colours in which heresy was painted by 
the Church in the fifteenth century, a still deeper hue 
was now added by the horrors of the Moorish wars. 
It is therefore easy to explain why the people of 
Spain surpassed the people of other countries in 
the fervour of religious intolerance. Columbus was 
obliged to plead the cause of his departure from 
traditional methods in an atmosphere charged with 
all these predispositions, prejudices, and motives. 
By the vulgar crowd the navigator had persistendy 
been scoffed at as a visionary ; but with something 
of the hopeful enthusiasm of an adventurer, he had 
steadily maintained the belief that it was only neces- 
sary to meet a body of enlightened men to insure 
their conversion to his cause. 

But his hopefulness v/as destined to be disabused. 
We can well believe that his project appeared in 
a somewhat unfavourable light before the learned 
men of the day. To them he was simply an obscure 



52 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

navigator, and a foreigner at that, depending upon 
nothing more than the force of the reasons he might 
be able to present. Some of them, no doubt, looked 
upon him simply as an adventurer, while others were 
disposed to manifest their impatience at any doc-- 
trinal innovation. The predominance of opinion 
seemed to intrench itself in the behef that after so 
many cosmographers and navigators had been study- 
ing and exploring the globe for centuries, it was 
simply an absurd presumption to suppose that any 
new discoveries of importance were now to be 
made. 

The discussion, almost at the very first, was taken 
out of the domain of science. Instead of attempt- 
ing to present astronomical and geographical objec- 
tions to the proposed voyage, the objectors assailed 
the scheme with citations from the Bible and from 
the Fathers of the Church. The book of Genesis, the 
Psalms of David, the Prophets, and the Gospels 
were all put upon the witness-stand and made to 
testify to the impossibility of success. Saint Chryso- 
stom. Saint Augustine, Lactantius, Saint Jerome, 
Saint Gregory, and a host of others, were cited as 
confirmatory witnesses. Philosophical and mathe- 
matical demonstrations received no consideration. 
The simple proposition of Columbus that the earth 
was spherical was met with texts of Scripture in a 
manner that was worthy of Father Jasper. 

These various presentations, however, were by no 
means in vain ; for there was far from unanimity 
of opinion. There were a few who admitted that 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 53 

Saint Thomas Aquinas and Saint Isadore might be 
right in beheving the earth to be globular in form ; 
though even these were inclined to deny that circum- 
navigation was possible. It is a pleasure to note, 
however, that there was one conspicuous exception 
to the general current of opposition and resistance. 
Whether dating from this period we do not know, 
but it is certain that an early interest was taken in 
the cause by Diego de Deza, a learned friar of the 
order of St. Dominic, who afterward became arch- 
bishop of Seville, one of the highest ecclesiastical 
dignitaries of the realm. Deza appears to have risen 
quite above the limitations of mere ecclesiastical 
lore ; for he not only took a generous interest in the 
cause of the explorer, but he seconded and encour- 
aged his efforts with all the means at his command. 
Perhaps it was by his efforts that so deep an impres- 
sion was made on the most learned men of the con- 
ference. However this may have been, the ignorant 
and the prejudiced remained obstinate in their oppo- 
sition, and so the season at Salamanca passed away 
without bringing the monarchs to any decision. 

After the winter of 1486-87, there occurred a long 
and painful period of delays. In the following spring 
the court departed from Salamanca and went to 
Cordova to prepare for the memorable campaign 
against Malaga. Columbus accompanied the expe- 
dition in the vain hope that there would be an oppor- 
tunity for a further hearing. At one time when the 
Spanish armies were encamped on the hills and 
plains surrounding the beleaguered city, Columbus 



54 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

was summoned to court \ but amid the din of a 
terrible contest there was no place for a calm con- 
sideration of the great maritime project. The sum- 
mer was full of incident and peril. At one time the 
king was surprised and nearly cut off by the craft 
of the old Moorish monarch ; at another a Moorish 
fanatic attempted to assassinate both king and queen, 
only to be cut to pieces after he had wounded the 
prince of Portugal and the Marchioness de Moya, 
supposing them to be Ferdinand and Isabella. 

But it is easy to imagine that this seemingly un- 
toward event contributed to help on the cause of 
Columbus. The Marchioness de Moya had warmly 
espoused his cause, and the attempt upon her life 
can hardly have failed to appeal to the interest of 
Queen Isabella. 

Malaga surrendered in August, and the king and 
queen almost immediately returned to Cordova. The 
pestilence, however, very soon made that old city an 
unsafe abode. For a while the court was in what 
might be called the turmoil of migration. At one 
time it v/as in Valladolid, at another in Saragossa, at 
another in Medina de Campo. But during all this 
period its ardent business was the pressing forward 
of the Spanish armies into the Moorish territories. 
As every reader of Irving knows, the ground was 
stubbornly contested, inch by inch. Columbus re- 
mained for the most part with the army ; but he 
sought in vain for the quiet necessary for a dis- 
passionate hearing. 

It could hardly have been otherwise. Ferdinand 



* 
k 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 55 

and Isabella have often been reproached with need- 
less delays in the matter of rendering the required 
assistance ; but such a reproach cannot be justified. 
The custom of the time sanctioned, even if it did 
not require, that the court should accompany the 
military camp. The Government vi^as not only at the 
head of the army, but it was actually and continu- 
ously in the field. All other questions were absorbed 
by the military interests of the moment ; and it 
would have been singular indeed, if, in such a situa- 
tion, the resources of the treasury had been called 
upon to subsidize an expedition that as yet had been 
unable to secure the approval of the learned men 
who had been asked to consider its merits. It would 
be difficult to show that the course taken by the 
monarchs was not both wise and natural. The 
period of the war was a fit time in which to ascertain 
the merits of the proposal ; and if after the contest 
should be brought to an end, the reports should be 
found favorable, the expedition could be fitted out 
with such assistance as might comport with the con- 
dition of the treasury and the necessities of the case. 
But, on the other hand, it was not singular that 
Columbus was at this time wearied and discouraged 
by the delays. The end of the war was still involved 
in great uncertainty, and there was no assurance that 
even at the return of peace his proposals would re- 
ceive the royal approval and support. It was not 
unnatural, then, that he began to think of applying 
elsewhere for assistance. In the spring of 1488 he 
wrote to the king of Portugal, asking permission to 



I 



56 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

return to that country. The reply, received on the 
20th of March, not only extended the desired invita- 
tion, but also gave him the significant assurance of 
protection against any suits of a criminal or civil 
nature that might be pending against him. About 
the same time he seems also to have received a < 

letter from Henry VII. of England, inviting him to ^ 

that country, and holding out certain vague promises 
of encouragement. Though this letter was doubtless 
the fruit of the efforts made by his brother Bar- \ 

tholomew, there is no evidence that Columbus ever 
thought favourably of accepting the invitation. Why 
it was that he delayed going to Portugal until late in 
the autumn cannot be determined with certainty. It 
is, however, not difficult to conjecture. Harrisse 
has found in the treasury- books memoranda of small 
amounts of money paid to Columbus from time to 
time during his stay in the vicinity of the Spanish 
court. Ferdinand and Isabella were sufficiently in- 
terested in the project to be unwilling that he should 
carry his proposition to another monarch. At least, 
they were anxious that he should not commit himself 
elsewhere until they should have had opportunity to 
examine into the project with care ; and then, at the 
close of the war, if it seemed best, they would give 
him the needed support. Accordingly, elaborate prep- 
arations for a new hearing were at once made. No less 
than three royal orders were issued, — one summon- 
ing Columbus to a council of learned men at Seville ; 
one directing the city authorities to provide lodg- 
ings for the navigator, as for an officer of the govern- 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. $7 

mentj another commanding the magistrates of the 
cities along the way to furnish accommodations for 
him and for his attendants. 

These orders were all carried out ; but the con- 
ference was postponed, and finally interrupted by the 
opening of the campaign for the summer. The an- 
nals of Seville contain a statement that in this cam- 
paign Columbus was found fighting and " giving 
proofs of the distinguishing valor which accompanied 
his wisdom and his lofty desires." What we posi- 
tively know of the course of events may be summed 
up as follows. On the 3d of July, 1487, he received 
the second stipend in money. At the end of the 
following August we find him at the siege of Malaga. 
In the winter of 1487-88 he was at Cordova, when 
his relations with Beatriz Enriquez resulted in the 
birth of his son Fernando on the 15 th of August, 
1488. On the 1 6th of June of this year Columbus 
received the third allov/ance of money. Early in the 
spring he had asked for permission to return to 
Portugal, and the letter granting his request bears 
date of the 20th of March. The journey was not 
undertaken, however, until after the birth of his son. 
When he went, and how long he remained in Portugal, 
are uncertain ; for the only positive proof that he 
took the journey at all is a memorandum in his own 
handwriting, dated at Lisbon in December of 1488. 
It is, however, interesting to note that this memo- 
randum, made in his copy of Cardinal d'Ailly's 
" Imago Mundi," calls attention to the return of Diaz 
from his voyage to the Cape of Good Hope. It is, 



I 



58 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

however, definitely ascertained that he returned in 
the spring of 1489 ; for on the 12th of May of that 
year an order was issued to all the authorities of the 
cities through which he passed, to furnish him all 
needed support and assistance at the royal expense. 

The fact that this is the last time that Columbus 
figures in the order-books of the treasury has led 
Harrisse to infer that the navigator saw no immediate 
chance of success, and so for a time abstained from 
the further pressing of his suit. 

We are thus brought to the autumn of 1489, when 
Columbus, seeing little reason for hope, but still not 
so discouraged as to abandon his cause, formed an 
acquaintance which proved to be of incalculable 
value. How the acquaintance came about, we have 
no means of knowing. The authorities are so at 
variance with one another on the subject that there 
has been much difference of opinion as to the time 
when the acquaintance was formed. Irving and the 
larger number of modern writers have supposed that 
the events which resulted from this connection oc- 
curred soon after Columbus entered Spain. Harrisse, 
however, has pointed out with great acumen the diffi- 
culties in the way of accepting this supposition, and 
has established at least an overwhelming probability 
that the residence of the navigator with the Duke of 
Medina Cell extended from the early months of 1490 
to the end of 149 1. 

At the beginning of the fifteenth century Spain 
was still very largely made up of principalities that 
were practically independent. Two of these were 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 59 

possessed and governed by the Dukes of Medina 
Sidonia and Medina Celi. In the wars against Na- 
ples, a: well as in the long struggle against the 
Moors, these noblemen fitted out expeditions and 
conducted campaigns with something like regal in- 
dependence and magnitude. They lived in royal 
splendour, and dispensed a royal hospitality. As 
their vast states lay along the sea-coast at the 
southwest of Spain, where they had ships and ports, 
as well as hosts of retainers, it is not singular that 
this enterprising refugee from the Spanish camp 
found his way into their domains. 

With Medina Sidonia, Columbus seems to have had 
no special success, though the nobleman is reported 
to have given him many interviews. The very splen- 
dour of the project may have thrown over it such a 
colouring of improbability as to raise a feeling _of 
distrust. To the hard-headed old hero of so many 
campaigns, the proposal was simply the undertaking 
of an Italian visionary. 

But upon Medina Celi the navigator made a more 
favourable impression. Unfortunately, we are de- 
pendent for information almost solely upon the state- 
ments of the duke. But the narrative has the air of 
probability. He says that he entertained Columbus for 
two years at his house. At one time he had gone so 
far as to set apart and fit out several of his own ships 
for the purposes of an expedition ; but it suddenly 
occurred to him that an enterprise of such magnitude 
and importance should go forth under no less sanction 
than that of the sovereign power. Finding that 



6o CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

Columbus in his disappointment had decided to turn 
next to the king of France, the duke determined to 
write to Queen Isabella and recommend him strongly 
to her favourable consideration. Among other things, 
he wrote that the glory of such an enterprise, if suc- 
cessful, should be kept by the monarchs of Spain. 
Of the kind favour of the duke there can be no 
question ; for the letter of introduction carried by 
Columbus is still preserved. This important docu- 
ment not only commends the bearer to favourable 
consideration, but it also asks that in case the favour 
should be granted, the duke himself might have the 
privilege of a share in the enterprise, and that the 
expedition might be fitted out at his own port of 
St. Marie, as a recompense for having waived his 
privilege in favour of the grant. 

During the next year and a half the prospect 
seemed in no way more propitious. Columbus, even 
though he now had the support of Medina Celi, must 
have been reduced to something like desperation. 
The court was making preparations for a final cam- 
paign against Granada, with a full determination never 
to raise the siege until the Spanish flag should float 
above the last Moorish citadel. Columbus knew that 
when once the campaign should be entered upon, it 
would be vain to expect any attention to his cause. 
Accordingly, he pressed for an immediate answer. 
The sovereigns called upon the queen's confessor, 
Talavera, to obtain the opinions of the scientific men 
and to report their decision. This order was com- 
plied with; but after due consideration, a majority 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE, 6 1 

decided that the proposed scheme was vain and 
impossible. 

This answer would seem to have been, for the time 
at least, conclusive ; but the men consulted were by 
no means unanimous. On the contrary, several of 
the learned members strenuously exerted themselves 
in favour of the enterprise. Of these the most ear- 
nest and influential was the friar Diego de Deza, who> 
owing to his influential position as tutor of Prince 
John, had ready access to the royal ear. The matter, 
therefore, was not peremptorily dismissed. The mon- 
archs, instead of rejecting the application outright, or- 
dered Talavera to inform Columbus that the expense 
of the war and the cares attending it made it impossi- 
ble to undertake any new enterprise ; but that when 
peace should be assured, the sovereigns would have lei- 
sure and inclination to reconsider the whole question. 

Disheartened and indignant at what he considered 
nothing more than a courtly method of evading and 
dismissing his suit, Columbus resolved immediately to 
turn his back upon the Spanish court. For six years 
he had now pleaded his cause, apparently in vain. 
Hoping for nothing further, he determined to seek 
the patronage of the king of France. 

It is interesting to note that, taking his boy Diego 
with him, he made his way to that very seaport town 
upon which a little later he was to bestow an undying 
fame by embarking from it on his memorable expedi- 
tion. Notwithstanding the fact that Medina Cell had 
given him a home, he must have been reduced to ex- 
treme poverty. He seems not only to have travelled 



62 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

on foot, but also to have been under the necessity of 
begging even for a crust of bread. 

Just before he was to reach the port at Palos, Co- 
lumbus stopped at the gate of the convent of Santa 
Maria de la Rabida to ask for food and water for him- 
self and his little boy. It happened that the prior of 
the convent was Juan Parez de Marchena, a friar who 
had once been the confessor of Queen Isabella. He 
appears to have had some geographical knowledge ; 
for he at once interested himself in the conversation 
of Columbus, and was greatly impressed with the 
grandeur of his views. On hearing that the naviga- 
tor was to abandon Spain and turn to the court of 
France, his patriotism was aroused. He not only 
urged the hospitality of the convent upon the travel- 
ler until further advice could be taken, but within a 
few days he enlisted two or three persons of influence 
for his cause. One of these was Garcia Fernandez, 
a physician ; another was Martin Alonzo Pinzon, an 
experienced navigator of Palos. Pinzon, on hearing 
what was proposed, was so fully convinced of the fea- 
sibility of the plan that he offered to bear the expense 
of the new application, and, if successful, to assist the 
expedition with his purse and his person. 

But it was to the prior of the convent that Colum- 
bus was to be most indebt d. The result of their 
several interviews was the determination that the 
queen's old confessor should make one further ap- 
peal. With this end in view, a courier was despatched 
with a letter. It was successful. After a wearisome 
journey of fourteen days, the messenger returned with 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. ^l 

a note summoning Perez to the royal court, then en- 
camped about Granada. At midnight of the same 
day the prior mounted his mule and set out on his 
mission of persuasion. 

On arriving at the camp, Perez was received with 
a welcome that gave him great freedom. As the 
queen's old confessor, he had immediate access to 
the royal presence, and he pleaded the project of the 
navigator with fervid enthusiasm. He defended the 
scientific principles on which it was founded; he 
urged the unquestionable capacity of Columbus to 
carry out the undertaking ; he pictured not only the 
advantages that must come from success, but also the 
glory that would accrue to the Government under 
whose patronage success should be achieved. 

The queen listened with attention. It is interest- 
ing to note that the cause was warmly seconded by 
the queen's favourite, the same Marchioness de Moya 
whose hfe had been imperilled by the dagger of the 
Moorish fanatic. A decision was reached without 
much delay. The queen not only requested that 
Columbus might be sent to her, but she gave the 
messengers a purse to bear the necessary expenses, 
and to enable the maritime suitor to travel and 
present himself with decency and comfort. 

The successful friar at once returned to the con- 
vent, and reported the result of his mission to his 
waiting friends. Without delay, Columbus exchanged 
his garb for one suited to the atmosphere of the court, 
and set out for the royal presence. 

In his journal, as quoted by Las Casas, Columbus 



64 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

tells us that he arrived at Granada in time to see the 
end of that memorable war. After a struggle of 
nearly eight hundred years, the Crescent had at length 
succumbed to the Cross, and the banners of Spain 
were planted on the highest tower of the Alhambra. 
The jubilee that followed had all the characteristics of 
Spanish magnificence. But in these festivities Colum- 
bus probably took only the part of an observer. By 
one of the Spanish historians he is represented as 
" melancholy and dejected in the midst of general 
rejoicings." 

As soon as the festivities were over, his cause had a 
hearing. Fernando de Talavera, now elevated to the 
archbishopric of Granada, was appointed to carry on 
the negotiations. At the very outset, however, diffi- 
culties arose that seemed to be insuperable. Colum- 
bus would listen to none but princely conditions. He 
made the stupendous mistake of demanding that he 
should be admiral and viceroy over all the countries 
he might discover. As pecuniary compensation, he 
also asked for a tenth of all gains either by trade or 
conquest. 

It can hardly be considered singular that the cour- 
tiers were indignant at what they regarded as his ex- 
travagant requirements. Though Columbus had seen 
much and hard service at sea, his experience hitherto 
had not been of a nature to reveal any extraordinary 
ability. For six years he had been simply a wan- 
dering suppliant for royal favour. What he now 
demanded was to be put into the very highest rank in 
the realm. As admiral and viceroy he would stand 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 65 

next to the sovereigns on land, as well as on sea. 
What he asked as compensation, though it would 
stimulate every temptation to abuse, was not of so 
unreasonable a nature. But to promote this obscure 
navigator, and a foreigner at that, over all the veterans 
who had for perhaps half a century been faithfully 
earning recognition, seemed very naturally to the 
archbishop preposterous indeed. One of the cour- 
tiers observed with a sneer that it was a shrewd ar- 
rangement that he proposed, whereby in any event 
he would have the honor of the command and the 
rank, while he had nothing whatever to lose in case 
of failure. Though Columbus, doubtless remember- 
ing the offer of Pinzon, offered to furnish one eighth 
of the cost, on condition of having one eighth of the 
profits, his terms were pronounced inadmissible. The 
commission represented to the queen that, even in 
case of success, the demands would be exorbitant, 
while in case of failure, as evidence of extraordinary 
credulity, they would subject the Crown to ridicule. 

More than all this, the terms demanded were of 
such a nature as to stir the jealousy and hostility of 
all the less fortunate naval commanders. Columbus 
has been represented by Irving and many of the 
other biographers as having shown in these demands 
a loftiness of spirit and a firmness of purpose that 
are worthy of the highest commendation. But when 
one looks at the far-reaching consequences of the 
terms insisted upon, one can hardly fail to see in them 
the source of very much of the unhappiness and 
opposition that followed him throughout his career. 

5 



66 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

The strenuousness of his terms, by throwing wide 
open the door to every form of abuse, detracted from 
his happiness and diminished his claim to greatness. 

But Cohimbus would listen to nothing less than all 
these conditions. More moderate terras were of- 
fered, and such as now seem in every way to have 
been honourable and advantageous. But all was in 
vain. He would not cede a single point in his de- 
mands. The negotiations accordingly had to be 
broken off. He determined to abandon the court 
of Spain forever rather than detract one iota from 
the dignity of the great enterprise he had in view. 
We are told that, taking leave of his friends, he 
mounted his mule and sallied forth from Santa Fe, 
intending immediately to present his cause at the 
court of France. 

But no sooner had he gone than the friends who 
had ardently supported him were filled with some- 
thing like consternation. They determined to make 
one last appeal directly to the queen. The agents of 
this movement were the royal treasurer, Luis de 
Santangel, and Alonzo de Quintanilla. Santangel was 
the one who presented the cause. On two points he 
placed special stress, and he urged them with great 
power and eloquence. The first may be condensed 
into the phrase that while the loss would, in any event, 
be but trifling, the gain, in case of success, would be 
incalculable. In the second place he urged that if 
the enterprise were not undertaken by Spain, it would 
doubtless be taken up by one of the rival nations and 
carried to triumphant success. He then appealed to 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 67 

what the queen was in the habit of doing for the 
glory of God, the exaltation of the Church, and the 
extension of her own power and dominion. Here, it 
was urged, was an opportunity to surpass them all. 
He called attention to the offer of Columbus to bear 
an eighth of the expense, and advised her that 
the requisites for the enterprise would not exceed 
three thousand crowns. The Marchioness de Moya 
was present, and added her eloquence to that of 
Santangel. 

These representations had the desired effect, and 
the queen resolved on the spot to undertake the en- 
terprise. The story, so often repeated, that the queen 
pledged her jewels for the necessary expense, rests 
upon no contemporaneous evidence, and has recently 
been shown to be extremely improbable. It was not 
necessary, for Santangel declared that he was ready to 
supply the money out of the treasury of Aragon. The 
adoption of the cause by the queen was complete and 
unconditional. 

It was in the narrow pass at the foot of Mount Elvira, 
a few miles from Granada, that the swift messenger of 
this good news overtook Columbus on his dejected 
retreat. No very fertile fancy is required to imagine 
with some confidence the emotions of the explorer as 
he listened to the story of the queen's new decision. 
Turning the rein, he hastened his jaded mule with all 
possible speed to the royal court at Santa Fe. 

For reasons which it is not easy to understand, 
there were still considerable delays before the requi- 
site papers received their final signature. Whether 



68 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

there were disagreements still to be adjusted cannot 
now be known. Columbus returned to the court 
early in February, but it was not until the 1 7 th of 
April that the stipulations had been duly made out 
and signed. 

In form the papers were the work of the royal sec- 
retary, but they received the assent and signature of 
both monarchs. The principal commission is of so 
much importance that it is here given in full : — 

1. First, your Highnesses, in virtue of your dominion 
over the said seas, shall constitute from this time forth the 
said Don Christopher Columbus your admiral in all the 
islands and territories which he may discover or acquire 
in the said seas, this power to continue in him during his 
life, and at his death to descend to his heirs and succes- 
sors from one to another perpetually, with all the digni- 
ties and prerogatives appertaining to the said office, and 
according to the manner in which this dignity has been 
held by Don Alonzo Henriquez, your High Admiral of 
Castile, and by the other admirals in their several 
districts. 

2. Furthermore, your Highnesses shall constitute the 
said Don Christopher Columbus your viceroy and gov- 
ernor-general in all the said islands and territories to be 
discovered in the said seas ; and for the government of 
each place three persons shall be named by him, out of 
which number your Highnesses shall select one to hold 
the office in question. 

3. Furthermore, in the acquisition by trade, discovery, 
or any other method, of all goods, merchandise, pearls 
precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other articles, 
within the limits of the said admiralty, the tenth part of 
their value shall be the property of the said Don Chris- 
topher Columbus, after deducting the amount expended 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 69 

in obtaining them, and the other nine tenths shall be the 
property of your Highnesses. 

4. Furthermore, if any controversy or law-suit should 
arise in these territories relating to the goods which he 
may obtain there, or relating to any goods which others 
may obtain by trade in the same places, the jurisdiction 
in the said cases shall, by virtue of his office of admiral, 
pertain to him alone or his deputy, provided the said 
prerogative belong to the office of admiral, according as 
that dignity has been held by the above-mentioned Admi- 
ral Don Alonzo Henriquez, and the others of that rank in 
their several districts, and provided the said regulation 
be just. 

5. Furthermore, in the fitting out of any fleets for the 
purpose of trade in the said territories, the said Don 
Christopher Columbus shall on every such occasion be 
allowed the privilege of furnishing one eighth of the ex- 
penses of the expedition, and shall at such times receive 
an eighth part of the profits arising therefrom." 

In the formal commission we find these words : 

"We therefore by this commission confer on you the 
office of admiral, viceroy, and governor, to be held in 
hereditary possession forever, with all the privileges and 
salaries pertaining thereto." 

Surely these were extraordinary powers. From any 
unjust exercise of supreme authority in the lands Co- 
lumbus might discover, there was to be no appeal. 
The authority was limited, moreover, by neither cus- 
tom nor method.. In the matter of governorships he 
was to have the sole right of nomination, and in all 
questions of dispute in regard to his own interest in 
goods obtained either by himself or by anybody else, 
he or his deputy was to have sole jurisdiction. 



70 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

The temptation to exercise these powers for the 
oppression of a barbarous people would seem, even 
under the most favourable circumstances, to be quite as 
much as human nature could bear. But the circum- 
stances were not favourable. The danger was in the 
fact that a high pecuniary premium was put upon the 
abuse of authority. 

The promise of a tenth of all that the Admiral 
might acquire by trade, discovery, " or any other 
method," was a powerful stimulant to cruelty and 
cupidity. Unfortunately, the age was one when every 
people that did not avow Christianity was regarded as 
legitimate spoil for the Christian invader. This fact 
took away the last feeble guarantee of public opinion. 
In estimating the character of Columbus we must re- 
member that he was subjected to the temptations of 
unlimited authority, of immeasurable opportunity, and 
of exemption from all accountability, either to the 
Government or to public opinion. His place in history 
must ultimately be determined by the manner in 
which it shall be shown that he administered this 
trust. 

The fact should not be overlooked that there was 
always a powerful religious motive in all the plans of 
Columbus. One of his purposes in seeking to reach 
eastern Asia by sailing westward was an opening of 
the way for the conversion of the people to Chris- 
tianity. His writings abound in expressions of this 
desire. In all his plans for his expedition he made 
prominent his wish to gain the means necessary for 
the conquest of the Holy Land. In his nature and 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 71 

his faith there was much of the rehgious zeal of the 
mediaeval Crusader, united with a tendency to in- 
dulge in the fervid religious rhetoric of the seven- 
teenth-century Puritan. Columbus hoped, by these 
explorations in the west, to acquire the means of suc- 
ceeding in that enterprise of bringing Jerusalem back 
into the control of Christianity, which for three centu- 
ries had baffled the efforts of all Christendom. 

During the six long years of Columbus's waiting in 
Spain, the relations of Ferdinand and Isabella to the 
projects of Columbus were such as to merit our high 
commendation. We have seen that immediately after 
his cause was presented to the sovereigns for consid- 
eration, it was referred to the most learned men in 
the vicinity of the court. It is difficult to conjecture 
how any disposition of the question could, at that 
time, have been more appropriate. Whenever the 
subject was presented anew, a similar reference of the 
subject was made. From no one of these references 
was there received a favourable report. But when the 
war had been brought to a close, and when, in conse- 
quence, there was opportunity for a personal exami- 
nation of the matter, the whole subject was taken 
into sympathetic consideration. The romantic and 
religious elements of the project appealed strongly to 
Isabella. Ferdinand acted with characteristic cau- 
tion. The needed money appears to have been 
taken from the chest of the king, but only on condi- 
tion that in due time it should be restored, if need 
be, from the chest of the queen. Thus it may be 
said that the husband loaned the trifling subsidy ne- 



72 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

cessary for the enterprise, on the security of his wife. 
This arrangement suited both monarchs, and therefore 
both signed the commissions of the Admiral. 

If we were asked for the names of those who ren- 
dered the highest service to Columbus during this try- 
ing period, the answer would not be easy. In the 
immediate vicinity of the court Alfonso de Quinta- 
nilla was the first to espouse his cause with ardour, and 
he remained an unswerving advocate. Among those 
to v/hom the cause was submitted for advice, the 
ecclesiastic, Diego de Deza, is entitled to the credit 
of having been the first and the most faithful of sup- 
porters. The Duke of Medina Cell gave to the navi- 
gator the support which detained him at a moment 
when he seemed to be on the point of abandoning 
Spain forever. The friar of La Rabida, Juan Parez 
de Marchena, the old confessor of the queen, made a 
successful effort to renew the suit after all hope had 
been abandoned. And finally, when the demands of 
Columbus seemed preposterous for their magnitude, 
the united efforts of Santangel, the Marchioness de 
Moya, Quintanilla, and Talavera succeeded in bring- 
ing the queen up to the point of a favourable decision. 
To all of these advocates no small quota of the credit 
for success is due. But in distributing this credit 
there must be no forgetting or obscuring of the work 
of Columbus himself. We have seen that the advo- 
cacy of the navigator was full of inconsistencies and 
extravagances. He was a foreigner, and one that 
looked very much like an adventurer. The time and 
the circumstances seemed the most inopportune. All 



ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. 73 

these facts argued strongly against his cause. But in 
spite of them all, his knowledge, his courage, his faith, 
his tact, and his persistency were enough to hold a 
band of powerful advocates firmly to his great cause, 
and, in the end, bring it to success. Whatever abate- 
ments from an unreasonable glorification of Columbus 
modern research may feel compelled to make, these 
are great qualities, which the progress of time can 
never efface or obscure. 



74 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 



CHAPTER III. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 



The commission of Columbus bore date of April 30, 
1492. On the same day was signed a royal requisi- 
tion on the inhabitants of the town of Palos, requiring 
them to furnish at their own expense two caravels for 
the expedition. This singular proceeding was in con- 
sequence of some offence which the town had given 
the king and queen, for which the people had been 
condemned to render the service of two vessels for 
the period of twelve months, whenever the royal 
pleasure should call for them. The vessels moreover 
were to be armed at the expense of the town. Within 
ten days from the sight of the letter the authorities 
were required to have the two vessels in complete 
readiness for the enterprise. The royal treasury was 
also further reheved by the fact that they were re- 
quired to furnish the money for the wages of the crew 
during a period of four months. 

Another royal order bearing the same date was of 
greater importance in its influence on the character of 
the expedition. All the magistrates in the realm were 
informed that " every person belonging to the crews 
of the fleet of said Christopher Columbus " were " ex- 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 75 

empt from all hindrance or incommodity either in 
their persons or goods ; " and that they were "■ privi- 
leged from arrest or detention on account of any 
offence or crime which may have been committed by 
them up to the date of this instrument, and during 
the time they may be on the voyage, and for two 
months after their return to their homes." 

This remarkable order must have been inspired by 
the fear that the requisite crews for the vessels could 
not readily be obtained. The special inducements 
held out to the criminal classes appealed to every 
debtor, to every defaulter, and to every criminal. 
Here was immunity from the pursuit of justice. Such 
an order could hardly have failed to have a powerful 
influence on the character of the crew. The fleet be- 
came a refuge for runaway criminals and debtors ; and 
accordingly it was not singular that sailors of respecta- 
bility were slow to enlist. Popular opinion at Palos 
was violently opposed to the expedition. Though the 
town was required to furnish two caravels within ten 
days after receiving the royal order, weeks passed be- 
fore the necessary vessels could be procured. A third 
ship was provided for out of the funds furnished for 
the expedition. Every shipowner refused to lend his 
vessel for the enterprise. Another royal order had to 
be issued, authorizing Columbus to press the ships and 
men into the service. Meanwhile the mariners of 
Palos held aloof, partly in the belief that the proposed 
expedition was simply the work of a monomaniac, and 
partly from the fact that the ships had been made a 
refuge for criminals. But Juan Parez, the friar whose 



76 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

influence had already made itself so powerfully felt, 
was active in persuading men to embark. The Pin- 
zons, who, it will be remembered, had offered to de- 
fray one eighth of the expense, now came forward to 
aid the enterprise with their money and their per- 
sonal service. Agreeing to take command of two of 
the vessels, their wealth and their influence gave a new 
impulse to the undertaking. But enlistments went 
forward very slowly; and even after men had been 
enrolled, the least cause of dissatisfaction induced 
them to desert. In the putting of the ships in order, 
the work was so badly done as to justify the suspicion 
that a deliberate effort was put forth to make them 
unseaworthy. 

Though the sovereigns had supposed that ten days 
would be time enough to put the fleet in readiness for 
the voyage, it was with the utmost difficulty that the 
work was accomplished in ten weeks. Columbus had 
chosen small vessels of less than a hundred tons' bur- 
den each, believing that they would be better adapted 
for service along the coast and in the rivers. It has 
been estimated that even the longest of them was 
only sixty-five feet in length, and not more than twenty 
feet in breadth. The " Santa Maria," commanded 
by the Admiral himself, was the only one that was 
decked midships. The others, the " Pinta " and the 
*' Nina," were built high in the prow and stern, that they 
might the more easily mount the waves, and were cov- 
ered only at the ends. The " Pinta " was commanded 
by Columbus's old friend Martin Alonzo Pinzon, 
while his brother, Vincente Yaiiez Pinzon, was captain 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 77 

of the " Nina." On all the ships there were a hundred 
and twenty souls, ninety of them being mariners. 

Harrisse has computed the sum provided for the 
expedition at 1,640,000 maravedis, or about ^3640. 
Of this amount Santangel, as the agent of the mon- 
archs, furnished 1,140,000 maravedis, while Colum- 
bus, aided by the Pinzons, provided the remaining five 
hundred thousand. The fleet's contingent contained 
a notary for drawing up necessary papers, and a his- 
toriographer to put the story in formal order. There 
was an interpreter learned in all Asiatic tongues, and 
a metallurgist to examine the ores. Though the fleet 
was equipped with a physician and a surgeon, it does 
not appear that it had a priest. The squadron was 
at length ready to put to sea. We are told that on 
the last days before sailing, everybody in Palos was 
impressed with the solemnity of the undertaking. 
Officers and crew united in going to the church in 
the most formal manner and confessing themselves, 
and after partaking of the sacrament, in committing 
themselves to the special guidance and protection of 
Heaven. It was an hour before sunrise, on Friday, 
the 3d of August, when the ships were cut from 
their moorings and entered upon their perilous 
adventure. 

Fortunately we are not without Columbus^s own 
account of this voyage. The Admiral kept a diary, 
which, though it is not now known to be in existence, 
was carefully epitomized by Las Casas, and the ab- 
stract, very largely in Columbus's own words, is pre- 
served. There are also still in existence the two 



78 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

letters of Columbus by means of which the great dis- 
covery was formally announced to the world. It is to 
these three priceless documents that we are chiefly 
indebted for our knowledge of the voyage. In the 
introduction to the diary Columbus says : " I deter- 
mined to keep an account of the voyage, and to write 
down punctually everything we performed or saw from 
day to day." He also adds : " Moreover, besides 
describing every night the occurrences of the day, 
and every day those of the preceding night, I intend 
to draw up a nautical chart which shall contain the 
several parts of the ocean and land in their proper 
situations ; and also to compose a book to represent 
the whole by pictures, with latitudes and longitudes, 
on all which accounts it behooves me to abstain from 
sleep and make many efforts in navigation, which 
things will demand much labour." 

The contemplated geographical work was never 
written ; but the purpose of the navigator is of inter- 
est, as it creates a presumption in favor of carefulness 
in the preparation of the diary. 

The general course of the fleet was in a southwest- 
erly direction, the purpose being to touch at the 
Canary Islands. This intention was fortunate ; for on 
Monday, the fourth day out, the rudder of the " Pinta " 
become loose, and threatened to make a continuance 
of the voyage with this vessel impossible. The Admi- 
ral suspected that the accident happened with the 
connivance of disaffected members of the crew. Many 
of the men had shown an uncompromising opposition 
to the expedition before setting out, and there could 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 79 

be no doubt that any accident that would interrupt 
the voyage would be most welcome. The " Pinta," how- 
ever, was in command of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, an 
officer of capacity and courage, to whose faith in the 
enterprise Columbus had already been largely in- 
debted while fitting out the fleet and securing the 
crew. The skill and vigour of the commander caused 
the rudder to be put in place ; but it was again un- 
shipped on the following day, and it was necessary to 
put into port for repairs. 

Owing to delays occasioned by the condition of 
the "Pinta," it was not until the 12th of August that 
the little fleet reached port in one of the Canary 
Islands. Here it was found that the condition of the 
disabled caravel was worse than had been supposed. 
Besides having her rudder out of order, she was 
leaky, and the form of her sails seemed not to be 
adapted to the perils of an Atlantic voyage. Colum- 
bus tried to find another vessel for which he could 
effect an exchange ; however, he was not successful, 
and so it was found necessary to delay the voyage 
until the little ship could be put into seaworthy 
condition. The rudder was made secure, the form 
of the sails was changed, and every practicable pre- 
caution was taken to prevent leakage. But it was 
not until the 6th of September — more than a month 
from the day of leaving the port at Palos — that the 
fleet was once more ready to sail. 

During the stay at the Canaries two or three inter- 
esting things happened. Columbus reports that 
they " saw a great eruption of flames from the Peak 



8o CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

of Teneriffe, which is a lofty mountain." But more 
important to the matter in hand were the several 
reports he heard in regard to the existence of 
land in the west. The Admiral says he ^' was assured 
by many respectable Spaniards inhabiting the island 
of Ferro that they every year saw land to the west of 
the Canaries," and also that "others of Gomera 
affirmed the same with the like assurances." He 
also makes note of the fact that when he was " in Por- 
tugal in 1484 there came a person to the king from 
the island of Madeira soliciting a vessel to go in quest 
of land, which he affirmed he saw every year, and 
always of the same appearance." Still further he says 
that " he remembers the same was said by the inha- 
bitants of the Azores, and described as in a similar 
direction, and of the same shape and size." 

This interesting delusion, which is supposed to 
have had its origin in certain meteoric appearances, 
had taken a firm hold of the credulity of the people. 
The country which they imagined they saw in the 
west bore the name of the isle of Brandon, in com- 
memoration of Saint Brandon, a Benedictine monk of 
the sixth century, who, it was believed, spent seven 
years in the region to which his name was finally 
given. Belief in the existence of land not very far 
west of the Canary group was current in the fifteenth 
century, and several expeditions were undertaken, by 
order of the king of Portugal, for the discovery of 
this mystical continent. As yet, however, the re- 
peated failures of these efforts had not convinced the 
inhabitants of the islands west of Africa that land 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 8i 

within any possible range of vision from the Canaries 
had no existence except in the imaginations of the 
beholders. The special connection of this credulity 
with the expedition of Columbus is in the influence 
which it must have had upon the spirits of the crew. 
While there was an air of mystery about it that may 
have been depressing to certain temperaments, to the 
mass of the crew it can hardly have failed to give 
some encouragement. But at the same time it un- 
doubtedly provided the way for a depressing reaction 
when, after days of fruitless sailing, no land was 
discovered. 

On the morning of the 6th of September the little 
fleet put out from the harbour of Gomera and entered 
again upon its course. A report was brought by a 
vessel from the neighbouring island of Ferro that 
there were three Portuguese caravels cruising in search 
of Columbus. This circumstance was interpreted to 
mean a hostile intent on the part of the king of Por- 
tugal, owing to the fact that the Admiral had aban- 
doned his service and resorted to the patronage of 
Spain. But if the report was true, the Spanish 
squadron was successful in evading its enemies. The 
course now taken was due west; but owing to a 
strong head-sea, progress for several days was very 
slow. 

We have already had occasion to see that Colum- 
bus never attached very great importance to the 
matter of precision in the statement of fact. The 
recent scrutiny to which his writings have been sub- 
jected has revealed so many contradictions and inac- 

6 



82 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

curacies that we are forced into the beUef that he 
often used words in a very general rather than in a 
specific and strictly accurate sense. We shall not 
infrequently have occasion to note this habit of mind, 
— a peculiarity which it will be necessary to remem- 
ber if we would form an accurate conclusion as to 
the value of his testimony. He seems not to have 
been without conscience ; but it is not too much to 
say that whenever there was a powerful motive for 
misrepresentation, Columbus did not hesitate to ask 
himself whether the end would not justify the means. 
The modern ethical standard, which requires absolute 
truthfulness at all hazards, did not prevail at the end 
of the fifteenth century ; but it is not without much 
regret that even at that period we find one whom we 
would gladly rank as a moral hero admitting frankly 
that he systematically prevaricated in order to con- 
vey a false impression. If, on the one hand, there 
are those who will succeed in finding adequate 
excuse for the misrepresentation indulged in, on 
the other it will be hard to find any one who will 
regard such misrepresentation as a characteristic of 
lofty conscientiousness. 

In the journal of September 9 we find this 
entry : — 

" Sailed this day nineteen leagues, and determined to 
count less than the true number, that the crew might not 
be dismayed if the voyage should prove long." 

On the following day Columbus says, — 

" This day and night sailed sixty leagues, at the rate 
of ten miles an hour, which are two leagues and a half. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 83 

Reckoned only forty-eight leagues, that the crew might 
not be terrified if they should be long upon the voyage." 

In the days following, similar entries were made, 
always with the same end in view. Interesting evi- 
dences of life were often observed. On the 13th of 
September one of the crew saw a tropical bird, which, 
it was believed, never goes farther than twenty-five 
leagues from land. On the i6th large patches of weed 
were found which appeared to have been recently 
washed away from land ; on account of which the 
Admiral writes that " they judged themselves to be 
near some island;" "the continent," continues the 
narrator, " we shall find farther ahead." These indi- 
cations multiplied from day to day. On the i8th the 
"Pinta," which, notwithstanding her bad condition, 
was a swift sailer, ran ahead of the other vessels, the 
captain having informed the Admiral that he had seen 
large flocks of birds toward the west, and that he 
expected that night to reach land. Though as yet 
they had only reached the centre of the Atlantic, on 
the 19th the ships were visited by two pelicans, — birds 
which, it was said, were not accustomed to go twenty 
leagues from land. On the 21st the ocean seemed to 
be covered with weeds ; and the same day a whale 
was seen, — " an indication of land^" says the journal, 
" as whales always keep near the coast." The next day 
a wind sprang up, whereupon the Admiral observes : 
" This head-wind was very necessary to me, for my 
crew had grown much alarmed, dreading that they 
never should meet in these seas with a fair wind to 
return to Spain." 



§4 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

On September 25 the disappointing monotony of 
these indications was interrupted. At sunset Pinzon 
called out from his vessel that he saw land. The 
Admiral says, when he heard him declare thiS;, he 
fell down on his knees and returned thanks to God. 
Pinzon and his crew repeated " Gloria in excelsis 
Deo," as did the crew of the Admiral. Those on 
board the " Nina " ascended the rigging, and all 
declared that they saw land. The Admiral judged 
that the land was distant about twenty-five leagues. 
It was not until the afternoon of the 26th that they 
discovered that what they had taken for land was 
nothing but clouds. 

As revealed by the journal, the events of each day 
were much like those of every other. The most 
striking feature of the voyage was the constantly 
occurring indications of land. After the little fleet 
passed mid-ocean there was scarcely a day that did 
not bring some sign that beckoned them on. Sea- 
weed abounded, and as a sounding of two hundred 
fathoms revealed nothing but a steady undercurrent 
of the ocean, the weeds could not have come from 
the bottom of the sea. At one time a green rush was 
found, which, the commanders thought, must have 
grown in the open air, with its roots in the soil. 
At another, a piece of wood was taken aboard that 
gave unmistakable signs of having been somewhat 
curiously wrought by the hand of man. But the most 
significant tokens were the birds. They appeared in 
considerable numbers almost, if not quite, every day, 
many of them known to be unaccustomed to wan- 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 85 

der for any very great distance from land. To 
every thinking man on board the squadron they 
seemed to give evidence absolutely unmistakable that 
they were not far from land, and that the object of 
their expedition was likely to be successful. The 
birds, moreover, so far as any general direction of 
their flying could be regarded as an indication, 
seemed to have their home in a southwesterly 
direction. This fact led the commander of the 
"Pinta" to urge the Admiral to change his course. 
At first Columbus thought it best, in spite of the 
course of the birds, to keep on due west. But at 
length the indications were so unmistakable and so 
persistent that he yielded, and set the rudders for a 
southwesterly course. But for this incident, seem- 
ingly very trifling in itself, the fleet, as Humboldt 
has remarked, would have entered the Gulf Stream 
before touching land, and would have been borne to 
a landfall somewhere on the coast of the future 
United States. 

Many of the later historians of Columbus, taking 
the hint from Oviedo, have given graphic pictures 
of the way in which the skill and the tact of the 
Admiral prevented the crew of the fleet from breaking 
out into mutinous revolt and turning the vessels 
toward home. It has been said that at one time 
there was a serious purpose of throwing the Admiral 
into the sea, and declaring that he fell overboard 
while making an observation ; at another, that Colum- 
bus found himself compelled to promise that unless 
land was discovered within three days, he would 



86 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

abandon the expedition, turn about, and sail for 
home. But these stories must now, for the most part, 
be regarded as apocryphal. None of them are 
mentioned by Columbus himself, nor do they appear 
in the other early accounts of the voyage. No hint 
of mutiny or even of any lack of due subordination 
appears in the searching trials of 15 13 and 15 15, 
when every event that could possibly have a bearing 
upon the methods of Columbus was brought upon 
the witness-stand. As a matter of fact, the voyage 
was for the most part an uneventful one, save as its 
placid progress was occasionally excited by the vari- 
ations of the compass, an unusual amount of sea- 
weed, or an unwonted flight of birds. That the 
hopes and fears of the crews were alert cannot of 
course be doubted, but there is no evidence suffi- 
cient to justify the belief that the life of the Admiral 
or the advance of the expedition was ever in serious 
danger. 

In the evening of the nth of October, Columbus 
thought that he discovered a light moving with fitful 
gleams in the darkness. He called to him two of his 
companions, one of whom confirmed his impression, 
while the other could not. The journal says that 
" The Admiral again perceived it once or twice, ap- 
pearing like the light of a candle moving up and 
down, which some thought an indication of land." 
But evidently Columbus did not regard this as a dis- 
covery, for he not only reminded the crew of the 
reward of a pension that awaited the one who should 
first see land, but he also offered a silk doublet as an 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 87 

additional inducement to the search. They were still 
some forty-two miles from the coast, which lies so 
low that it could hardly have been seen at a distance 
of twenty. It was four hours later that land was first 
unmistakably seen in the moonlight, at a distance of 
about two leagues. There can be no question that if 
a light was really seen at all, it was on a boat at some 
distance from the shore. A reward of ten thousand 
maravedis per year had been promised by the king 
and queen to the person on the expedition who 
should first descry land. Columbus in his journal 
admits that land was first seen and announced by 
Rodrigo de Triana of the ♦' Pinta " at two o'clock on the 
morning of October 12th ; and it would be a pleasure 
to record that he subsequently had sufficient magna- 
nimity to waive his own very absurd claim in favour of 
the poor sailor to whom it was so justly due. But 
after his return he set up the demand for himself; 
and to him it was promptly adjudged and paid by 
the king and queen. It is said that the poor sailor, 
thinking himself ignobly defrauded, renounced Chris- 
tianity and went to live among the Mohammedans, 
whom he regarded as a juster people. 

It was then on Friday, October 12, that the fleet 
first came to land upon an island which the natives 
called Guanah_ani. Early in the morning Columbus 
and the brothers Pinzon and the notary entered a 
boat with the royal standard and made for the shore. 
The rest of the crews immediately followed. As 
soon as they had landed, the requisite formalities 
were performed, and witnesses were summoned to 



88 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

note that, before all others, Columbus took posses- 
sion of the island for the king and queen, his sove- 
reigns. He gave it the name of San Salvador. 

Over the question as to the spot where Columbus 
first landed there has been much difference of opin- 
ion. The narrative of the Admiral concerning this 
important part of his voyage, though it has been pre- 
served entire, is not so free from ambiguities, or so 
definite in its positive statements, as to relieve the 
subject of doubt. The reckoning of Columbus, more- 
over, on the matter of longitude and latitude was 
not sufficiently accurate to throw much light on the 
subject. Accordingly, several of the Bahamas have 
had their advocates. The modern San Salvador, or 
Cat Island, was believed to be the place of landing 
by Humboldt and Irving. South of Cat Island lie 
Watling's, Samana, Acklin, and the Grand Turk ; and 
no one of them has been without its ardent support- 
ers. Recently, however, the most careful students 
of the problem have unmistakably drifted toward 
the belief that the spot of the landfall should be con- 
fidently fixed upon Watling's Island. 

The arguments in favour of this locality were first 
elaborately set forth by Captain Becher in a volume 
published in 1856, and were followed by Peschel two 
years later in his "History of Modern Discovery." 
Mr. R. H. Major, a careful student of the subject, was 
for many years inclined to favour Turk's Island ; but 
in 1870 he conceded that the weight of evidence was 
in favour of Watling's. Lieutenant Murdock of the 
American navy and Mr. Charles A. Schott of the 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 89 

United States Coast Sui-vey reached the same conclu- 
sion by independent studies in 1884, as did also Mr. 
Clements R. Markham in 1889. Finally, and per- 
haps most important of all,, the Bahamas were visited 
and this problem was carefully studied in November 
of 1890 by the German explorer Herr Rudolf Cro- 
nau, with the result of establishing Watling's Island as 
the site of the landfall beyond any reasonable doubt. 
«^Cronau's investigations are twofold in their nature : 
the first point of his inquiry being devoted to the 
reasons for thinking Watling's the island on which 
Columbus landed ; the second, to establishing the 
point at which the landfall took place. Though 
it is on this last point that special significance is to 
be attached to his investigations, it may not be out of 
place to give a brief summary of the argument as a 
whole. 

Columbus describes the island as low, covered with 
abundant and luxuriant vegetation, and as having a 
large body of water in the interior. In one place he 
speaks of the island as " small," at another as '* pretty 
large." After the first landing, he goes N. N. E. in 
the small boats, and soon passes through a narrow en- 
trance into a harbour " large enough to accommodate 
the fleets of Christendom." In this harbour he dis- 
covers an admirable site of a fort, which he describes 
with minute care. He says, moreover, that the part of 
the island visited is protected by an outlying reef of 
rocks not far from the shore. Las Casas, who be- 
came very familiar with the islands during the life of 
Columbus, and who probably knew where the first 



90 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

landing was made, states that the form of the island 
was oblong, or "bean-shaped." The length of Wat- 
ling's Island is about twelve English miles, the breadth 
between four and six. All these characteristics apply 
to Watling's, and in their entirety they apply to no 
other. 

There are, however, certain difficulties in the way 
of accepting this theory. The most serious is the 
fact that the rocks off the northern, eastern, and 
southern parts of the island are so formidable as to 
offer no safe place for anchorage, and that an ap- 
proach from none of these directions could afford the 
view described by Columbus. It is in meeting this 
difficulty that the ingenious theory of Cronau is of 
importance. It is in substance as follows. 

The journal of Columbus tells us that on Thursday, 
October ii, the ships "encountered a heavier sea than 
they had met with before in the whole voyage." It also 
states that in the course of twenty-four hours they 
made the remarkable run of fifty- nine leagues, run- 
ning at times " ten miles an hour, at others twelve, 
at others seven." In the evening of the nth, "from 
sunset till two hours after midnight," the average rate 
was " twelve miles an hour." It was at ten o'clock 
that Columbus reports that he saw the hght, and con- 
sequently the vessel must have advanced forty-eight 
miles before two o'clock on the morning of the 12th, 
when land was seen by Triana from the "Pinta." These 
facts, together with the extraordinary length of the run 
on the 1 1 th, indicate unmistakably that the roughness 
of the sea was caused by a strong easterly wind, for 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 9 1 

by no other means could so rapid an advance have 
been made. At "two o'clock," says the Admiral, 
"land was discovered at a distance of two leagues." 
In which direction the land lay is not indicated. All 
sails " except the square sail " were taken in, and the 
vessels " lay to " till day, — probably about four or five 
hours. The supposition of Cronau is that a wind 
which up to two o'clock carried them when under full 
sail twelve miles an hour, must have borne the ships, 
when under square sail, at least ten or fifteen miles 
before dawn. It would have been impossible in a 
heavy sea to land on the rocky coast of the east side ; 
and whatever the advance, it must have been either 
on the north or on the south. It seems reasonable 
to suppose that the fleet found itself at the break of 
day west of the island. In any case, good seaman- 
ship required that they should seek anchorage in 
a high wind on the lee, or west side ; and accord- 
ingly, the only natural course was for them to turn 
about and approach the island from the west. On 
the supposition that this course was pursued, no diffi- 
culties whatever are found in reconciling Columbus's 
narrative with the present condition of the island. 
At about the middle of the w^est coast the locality 
at present known as Riding Rocks must have pre- 
sented then, as it does now, an inviting anchorage. 
All the features of the coast as described by Co- 
lumbus are now easily identified. The sail to the 
N. E. E., which under any other hypothesis pre- 
sents insurmountable difficulties, is now easily ex- 
plained. Taking a boat and following along the same 



92 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

course, Cronau entered the mouth of the harbour, 
and readily distinguished all the characteristics de- 
scribed by the Admiral. 

If the data given by Columbus afford no very defi- 
nite clew to the spot on which the landing took place, 
his account of what he saw, especially of the people, 
is so replete with interest as to justify a quotation of 
some length. After describing the formalities of the 
taking possession of the island, and noting that the 
trees seemed very green, that there were many streams 
of water and divers sorts of fruits, Columbus gives the 
following graphic account of the natives : — 

" As I saw that they were very friendly to us, and per- 
ceived that they could be much more easily converted to 
our holy faith by gentle means than by force, I presented 
them with some red caps, and strings of beads to wear 
upon the neck, and many other trifles of small value, 
wherewith they were much delighted, and became won- 
derfully attached to us. Afterwards they came swimming 
to the boats, bringing parrots, balls of cotton thread, jav- 
elins, and many other things, which they exchanged for 
articles we gave them, such as glass beads and hawk's 
bells, which trade was carried on with the utmost good 
will. But they seemed on the whole to me to be a very 
poor people. They all go completely naked, even the 
women, though I saw but one girl. All whom I saw were 
young, not above thirty years of age, well made, with 
fine shapes and faces ; their hair short and coarse like 
that of a horse's tail, combed toward the forehead, except 
a small portion which they suffer to hang down behind, 
and never cut. Some paint themselves with black, which 
makes them appear like those of the Canaries, neither 
black nor white ; others with white, others with red, and 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. f^Z 

others with such colours as they can find. Some paint 
the face, and some the whole body ; others only the eyes, 
and others the nose. Weapons they have none, nor are 
they acquainted with them ; for I showed them swords, 
which they grasped by the blades, and cut themselves 
through ignorance. They have no iron, their javelins 
being without it, and nothing more than sticks, though 
some have fish-bones or other things at the ends. They 
are all of a good size and stature, and handsomelj^ 
formed. I saw some with scars of wounds upon their 
bodies, and demanded by signs the cause of them. They 
answered me in the same way, that there came people 
from the other islands in the neighbourhood who endeav- 
oured to make prisoners of them, and they defended 
themselves. I thought then, and still believe, that these 
were from the continent. It appears to me that the peo- 
ple are ingenious, and would be very good servants ; and 
I am of the opinion that they would readily become Chris- 
tians, as they appear to have no rehgion. They very 
quickly learn such words as are spoken to them. If it 
please our Lord, I intend at my return to carry home six 
of them to your Highnesses, that they may learn our lan- 
guage. I saw no beasts in the island, nor any sort of 
animals except parrots." 

The next three months of this renowned expedition 
were spent in going from island to island, in making 
brief visits to the various places that seemed to pro- 
mise any interesting or important revelation, and in 
seeking for objects of interest and value. The Admi- 
ral was in constant hope of learning something that 
would direct him to Cipango. In all the islands the 
people were found to speak the same language and to 
have the same general characteristics. After visiting 



94 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

and exploring Long Island and Saometo, which he 
respectively named Fernandina and Isabella, he at 
length, on the 21st day of October, landed on the 
northern coast of a large island which the natives 
called Colba. This was the modern Cuba. He ex- 
plored the picturesque region far to the west, and 
found it so large that he supposed it to be a con- 
tinent. The Indians, however, informed him that it 
was only an island. As he perceived neither towns 
nor villages near the sea-coast, but only scattered 
habitations, the people of which fled at his approach, 
he sent two of his men into the interior to learn 
whether the inhabitants had either king or chief. The 
men, after an absence of three days, reported that 
they found a vast number of settlements built of wood 
and straw, with " innumerable people." Yet they were 
able to discover no indications of any kind of govern- 
ment. To the island the name Juana was given, in 
honor of Don Juan. 

Columbus did not attempt to circumnavigate the 
island. After coasting far to the west, and noting 
carefully the rivers and harbours, he resolved to retrace 
his course. From the point where the first landing 
was made, he sailed a hundred and seven leagues 
toward the east, when he came to a cape from which 
he reports that he saw another island, about eighteen 
leagues away. This was the island now known as San 
Domingo, or Hayti, to which Columbus gave the name 
Hispaniola. Sailing thither, and skirting along its 
northern coast, the explorers found it more beautiful 
even than any of the others they had seen. The 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 95 

journal describes the harbours as far more safe and 
commodious than any to be found in Christian coun- 
tries ; the rivers were large and noble, the land was 
high, with beautiful mountains and lofty ridges cov- 
ered with a thousand varieties of beautiful trees that 
" seemed to reach to heaven." Most gratifying of all, 
they learned from the Indians that there were " large 
mines of fine gold." 

It was here that Columbus decided to establish the 
first permanent settlement. Through the careless- 
ness of the pilot, however, the Admiral's own vessel 
struck upon a rock off the northwestern coast of the 
island, and, finally, in spite of all the efforts of the 
crew, had gone to pieces. The assistance rendered 
by the natives in rescuing the stores of the wreck 
afforded touching evidence of their friendly feeling. 
The timbers of the ship furnished the material for a 
structure that should at once be a storehouse and a 
fort. It was resolved to leave provisions for a year, 
together with seeds and implements for the cultivation 
of the soil. 

As to the number of the crew that were left at this 
new settlement, the authorities do not agree. It is 
probable, however, that there were about forty. In 
the narrative of Columbus, the words are these : " I 
have directed that there shall be provided a store of 
timber for the construction of the fort, with a pro- 
vision of bread and wine for more than a year, seed 
for planting, the long boat of the ship, a calker, a car- 
penter, a gunner, a cooper, and many other persons 
among the number of those who have earnestly 



g6 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

desired to serve your Highnesses and oblige me by 
remaining here, and searching for the gold mine." 
As the wreck and the consequent determination to 
build a fort and establish a colony occurred on Christ- 
mas Day, the Admiral named the new settlement " La 
Navidad." 

The people of the island manifested a most 
friendly disposition. The abode of the king was 
about a league and a half distant from the shoal 
where the wreck had taken place. Columbus relates 
that when the Spanish messengers informed the ca- 
cique of the misfortune, he " shed tears and de- 
spatched all the people of the town with large canoes 
to unload the ship." Again he says that the king, 
" with his brothers and relations, came to the shore 
and took every care that the goods should be brought 
safely to land and carefully preserved. From time 
to time, he sent his relations to the Admiral, weeping 
and consoling him, and entreating him not to be 
afflicted at his loss, for he would give him all he had." 
The Admiral still further observes that *' in no part of 
Castile would more strict care have been taken of the 
goods, that the smallest trifle be not lost." And 
again : " The king ordered several houses to be 
cleared for the purpose of storing the goods." On 
the following day, Wednesday, December 26, the 
Admiral's journal contains this memorandum: "At 
sunrise the king of the country visited the Admiral 
on board the ' Nina,' and with tears in his eyes en- 
treated him not to indulge in grief, for he would give 
him all he had; that he had already assigned the 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. ^7 

Spaniards on shore two large houses, and, if neces- 
sary, would grant others, and as many canoes as could 
be used in bringing the goods and crew to land, — 
which, in fact, he had done the day before, without 
the smallest trifle being purloined." In forming an 
opinion of a policy which in a few years completely 
annihilated the inhabitants of these islands, this esti- 
mate of their character ought not to be forgotten. 

Before leaving this settlement, Columbus took the 
precaution to give to the natives an exhibition of the 
force of fire-arms. A lombard was loaded and fired 
against the side of the stranded ship. The shot, 
much to the amazement of the natives, passed through 
the hull of the vessel, and struck the water on the 
farther side. He also gave them a representation of a 
battle fought by parties of the crew, and conducted 
in accordance with Christian methods. This was 
done, as he informs us, " to strike terror into the in- 
habitants and make them friendly to the Spaniards 

left behind." 

Having left the setdement in charge of Die^o de 
Arana, and three others as subordinate officers, and 
having conferred upon them all the powers he had 
himself received from the king and queen, Colum- 
bus prepared to enter upon his homeward voyage. 
The commander of the " Pinta," who, as we shall pre- 
sently see, had entered upon an exploring expedition 
of his own, had now rejoined the Admiral ; and on the 
4th of January the two little ships turned their rudders 
and set sail for home. 

In the study of the journal and the letters of Co- 

7 



98 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

lumbus, in so far as they relate to the first voyage, a 
number of impressions are strongly, and, it should 
perhaps be said, painfully, stamped upon the mind of 
the reader. 

While the desire of the explorer to Christianize the 
island was never lost sight of, he was prevented from 
any missionary work, not only by the fact that the 
expedition was unaccompanied by priests, but also by 
the nature of the expedition itself. It was simply a 
voyage of discovery ; and the movements from one 
island to another were necessarily too rapid to admit 
of anything more than a temporary impression. 
Nothing more, therefore, was done to propagate 
Christianity than to leave here and there upon the 
islands the mysterious emblems of the new faith. 
The preaching of the Gospel was reserved for future 
expeditions. 

But the ultimate Christianizing of the natives was 
only one of the religious motives that inspired the 
expedition. For many years Columbus had enter- 
tained the hope that gold might be found in quantity 
sufficient to enable the Spanish Government to rescue 
the Holy Sepulchre from the possession of infidels. 
The project inspired him throughout his life. From 
these, as well as from personal motives, he was there- 
fore particularly desirous of finding gold. Nothing is 
more painfully obvious in his journal than the power 
of this pecuniary motive. The quest for gold lured 
him on from one island to another, and from the sea- 
coast to the interior. He everywhere makes inquiries 
for gold, and again and again he hears reports of 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 99 

gold mines ; but his efforts in search of them are 
ahvays unsuccessful. However, he never abandons 
hope. The journal abounds in expression of opti- 
mistic expectation that gold in vast quantities will yet 
be found, and that the object of this search will yet 
be fully realized. But the gold-bearing mines every- 
where eluded him, and indeed the natives appear to 
have possessed the precious metal in no more than 
very trifling quantities. Still, the hopes of Columbus 
were kept sanguine to the last. It was only ten days 
before the expedition sailed for home that he entered 
upon his journal the expression of a most sanguine 
expectation. Las Casas tells us that in his journal for 
December 26th, Columbus ^'adds that he hopes to 
find on his return from Castile a ton of gold collected 
by them in trading with the natives, and that they 
will have succeeded in discovering the mine and the 
spices, and all these in such abundance that before 
three years the king and queen may undertake the 
recovery of the Holy Sepulchre. * For I have before 
protested to your Highnesses,' continues Columbus, 
'that the profits of this enterprise shall be employed 
in the conquest of Jerusalem, at which your High- 
nesses smiled, and said you were pleased, and had the 
same inclination.* " 

In one of the letters of the Admiral announcing the 
discovery, known as the Sanchez Letter, the Admiral 
writes in still more sanguine terms. He says : " To 
sum up the whole, and state briefly the great profits 
of this voyage, I am able to promise the acquisition, by 
a trifling assistance from their Majesties, of any quan- 



lOO CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

tity of gold, drugs, cotton, and mastick, which last 
article is found only in the island of Scio ; also any 
quantity of aloe, and as many slaves for the service of 
the marine as their Majesties may stand in need of." 

In the letter written to the royal treasurer, Sant- 
angel, Columbus invariably speaks in terms of similar 
confidence. " In conclusion, and to speak only of 
what I have performed," says he, " this voyage, so 
hastily despatched, will, as their Highnesses may see, 
enable any desirable quantity of gold to be obtained, 
by a very small assistance afforded me on their part." 
On the eve of sailing for Spain, after referring to 
the opposition he had received from the clergy and 
others about the court, he says : " These last have 
been the cause that the royal crown of your High- 
nesses does not possess this day a hundred milHons 
of reals more than when I entered your service, from 
which time it will be seven years the 20th day of this 
month of January." 

The reader will hardly fail to observe that these 
promises, so comprehensive in their nature, rested 
upon a very slender foundation. Very little gold 
had been seen by the explorers, and the mines had 
all baffled their most diligent search. The ardent 
nature of Columbus found no difficulty in converting 
hopes into confident expectations. How painfully 
these were destined to be disappointed, we shall have 
occasion hereafter to see. 

Another matter that is worthy of notice is the 
general attitude of Columbus toward his crew and 
toward the islanders. It may be difficult to deter- 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. loi 

mine how far it was Columbus's fault ; but the fact 
is unmistakable that there are no indications of any 
attachment to him by any of the members of his 
crew. His habit of deceiving them in regard to the 
distance passed over, and in regard to the needle, is 
likely to have occasioned general distrust. Certain 
it is that Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the ardent friend 
whose support at Palos made the expedition possible, 
deserted him without warning soon after the fleet 
reached the first land. The Admiral himself says, 
in his journal of November 21st, that Pinzon, "in- 
cited by cupidity," sailed away with the " Pinta " 
" without leave of the Admiral," and that " by 
his language and action he occasioned many other 
troubles." 

But the conduct of Pinzon was even to Columbus 
something of a mystery ; for elsewhere in his journal 
he "confesses himself unable to learn the cause of 
the unfavorable disposition which this man had mani- 
fested toward him throughout the voyage." Else- 
where the Admiral says Pinzon " was actuated solely 
by haughtiness and cupidity in abandoning him." 
Again he says that both of the Pinzon brothers " had 
a party attached to them, the whole of whom had 
displayed great haughtiness and avarice, disobeying 
his commands, regardless of the honours he had con- 
ferred upon them." 

It is evident that Columbus was quite devoid of 
tact in the management of men ; for the bitterness 
that at a later period manifested itself could not 
otherwise be accounted for. 



102 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

Toward the natives Columbus seems not to have 
been actuated by any motives of cruelty. He is not to 
be harshly judged, moreover, if his methods were simply 
those of the fifteenth rather than those of the nine- 
teenth century. But human nature is ever essentially 
the same, and it is therefore easy to understand the 
history of the change that rapidly came over the 
spirit of the natives. Immediately after he arrived at 
the islands, Columbus took a number of the natives 
by force, and kept them upon the ship. On the 
1 2th day of November he writes: "Yesterday a 
canoe came to the ship with six young men ; five 
of them came on board, whom I ordered to be de- 
tained, in order to have them with me. I then sent 
ashore to one of the houses and took seven women 
and three children ; this I did that the Indians might 
tolerate their captivity better with their company." 
In the same connection the Admiral adds : " These 
women will be of great help to us in acquiring their 
language, which is the same throughout all these 
countries, the inhabitants keeping up a communica- 
tion among the islands by means of their canoes." 
Again, on the 14th of January, only two days before 
taking final leave, Las Casas says that, " wishing 
to make prisoners of some Indians, he intended 
to despatch a boat in the night to visit their houses 
for this purpose ; but the wind blowing strong from 
the east and northeast occasioned a rough sea, which 
prevented it." On the following day he says : " There 
came four young Indians on board the caravel, where 
they gave so good an account to the Admiral of the 



THE FIRST VOYAGE, 1 03 

island to the east that he determined to take them 
along with him." 

It is impossible to reflect upon this habit of the 
Admiral without realizing that, however friendly 
and hospitable the natives had shown themselves at 
first, the impression soon made upon their minds 
must have been one of the utmost repugnance and 
enmity. To indulge in any other supposition would 
be to suppose that the natives were not human be- 
ings. The captives seem for the most part to have 
been kindly treated, and they may not have mani- 
fested an unconquerable aversion to their captivity ; 
but this unscrupulous policy of kidnapping the na- 
tives whenever opportunity offered, could not have 
been otherwise than disastrous to all friendly rela- 
tions. It is impossible to conceive that the islanders 
were so devoid of all human sensibilities as to see 
with indifference their husbands and wives, their sons 
and daughters, stolen from them for the gratification 
of the lust and the cupidity of their visitors. Nor, 
aside from all moral considerations, on the part of 
the wisest historian of the time was there any failure 
to understand the disastrous consequences of such 
a policy. Las Casas was fully alive to all the politi- 
cal significance of this course of action. While this 
great moralist, whose nobility of character raises him 
far above all the other public men of his time, fully 
acquits Columbus of any wrong intent, he does not 
hesitate to indict him for initiating a policy that was 
the cause of all the crimes and disasters that ensued. 
The right to kidnap was of course resented by the 



I04 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

natives. The consequence was a war of extermination. 
The sad fate of the colony of La Navidad can never be 
fully understood, for reasons which in due time we 
shall see ; but it would have been strange indeed 
if men, endowed with even the feeblest attributes 
of human nature, had not been desirous of exter- 
minating a race actuated by such a policy. The 
words of Las Casas are at once so judicious and so 
just that they ought not to be abridged. After speak- 
ing of the ardent desire of Columbus to bring as 
much profit as possible to Ferdinand and Isabella, 
he uses these admirable words : — 

" For this cause the Admiral thought and watched 
and worked for nothing more than to contrive that there 
might come advantage and income to the sovereigns, 
. . . Ignoring that which ought not to be ignored con- 
cerning divine and natural right and the right judgment 
of reason, he introduced and commenced to establish 
such principles and to sow such seeds that there origi- 
nated and grew from them such a deadly and pestilential 
herb, and one which produced such deep roots, that it 
has been sufficient to destroy and devastate all these 
Indies, without human power sufficing to impede or in- 
tercept such great and irreparable evils." 

And then, with a charming discrimination and charity, 
the same benignant author continues, — 

" I do not doubt that if the Admiral had believed there 
would succeed such pernicious detriment as did succeed, 
and had known as much of the primary and secondary 
conclusions of natural and divine right as he knew of 
cosmography and other human doctrines, he would never 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 105 

have dared to introduce or establish a thing which was 
to produce such calamitous evils; for no one can say 
that he was not a good and Christian man." 

The course taken by Columbus does not show that 
he was exceptionally immoral ; for morality is at least 
so conventional as to be entitled to be judged in the 
light of the age under consideration. But his course 
does show that he was not above the moral debase- 
ment of the age in which he lived, on the one hand, 
and, on the other, that he was destitute, not only of 
the characteristics of what we call statesmanship, but 
also of ordinary tact and good judgment. Nothing 
could have been easier than by a judicious use of 
rewards and inducements to persuade a sufficient 
number of the natives to accompany the fleet in a 
most friendly spirit. Either this was not perceived, 
or it was not desired. In either case, the whole 
history is a sad commentary on the management of 
the Admiral. 

In spite of the popular superstition, Columbus 
did not hesitate to set sail for home on Friday. 
It had been on Friday that he left Palos; on Fri- 
day that he left the Canaries; and now on Friday, 
the 4th of January, he took leave of the colony at La 
Navidad and ordered the pilots to set the rudder for 
home. On the 9th day of January they proceeded 
thirty-six leagues, as far as Punta Roxa, or Red Point, 
where the Admiral records that they found tortoises 
as bis: as bucklers, and where also he saw three mer- 
maids that raised themselves far above the water. 
Of the latter the Admiral has the frankness to say 



io6 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

that although they had something Hke a human face, 
they were not so handsome as they are painted. Two 
days later Columbus came to a mountain covered 
with snow, which he named Monte de Plata ; and, a 
little beyond, after passing a succession of capes, which 
were duly named, he came to a vast bay in which he 
determined to remain to observe the conjunction 
that was to be seen on the 17th. Here for the 
first time he found men with bows and arrows, 
and not only bought a bow and some arrows, but 
learned from one of the natives that the Caribs 
were to the eastward, and that gold was to be 
found on an island not far away, which he called 
the island of St. John. Bernaldez says that " in the 
islands of these Caribs, as well as in the neighbour- 
ing ones, there is gold in incalculable quantity, cotton 
in vast abundance, and especially spices, such as 
pepper, which is four times as strong and pungent 
as the pepper that we use in Spain." 

It soon became evident that these people were 
of a less pacific nature than the other islanders whom 
Columbus had met. A band of fifty-five of the na- 
tives, armed with bows and arrows and swords of 
hard wood, as well as heavy spears, attempted to seize 
seven of the Spaniards. An altercation ensued. Two 
of the Indians were wounded, whereupon they all 
fled, leaving their arms behind them. The incident 
is worthy of note from the fact that it was the only 
time during this expedition that the Spaniards and 
the natives came to blows. The breach was easily 
healed, however, for on the following day the 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 107 

Indians returned as though nothing had happened, 
and a complete reconciUation took place. The Ad- 
miral gave the native king a red cap, and the next 
day " the king sent his gold crown and provisions." 

On the 15 th, Columbus entered the port of a little 
island where there were good salt pits. The soil, the 
woods, and the plains convinced him that at last he 
had come to the island of Cipango. Perhaps he was 
confirmed in this impression by the current reports 
that the gold mines of Cibao were not far distant. 
On the next day the Spaniards discovered the caravel 
" Pinta " sailing toward them. Twenty days before, 
Pinzon, apparently moved by a resistless ambition, 
had gone off on an independent cruise. Columbus 
now received the excuse of the captain, — that he 
acted under necessity ; and though he thought it 
by no means satisfactory, he was willing to condone 
the offence. 

The Admiral now decided to sail directly for Spain ; 
and accordingly the Spaniards prepared at once to 
leave the bay, which they called De las Flechas, or 
the Bay of Arrows. When they had advanced about 
sixteen leagues, the Indians pointed to the island 
of St. John, which, they said, was the home of the 
Caribs, or cannibals. Columbus did not think it 
wise, however, to delay for further investigation or 
inquiry. Sails were set, and the prows of the two 
little ships were turned toward home. It was on 
the 1 6th of January that the last of the Bahamas 
passed to the rearward out of sight. 

During several days the navigators had no adverse 



I08 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

fortune. The killing of a tunny-fish and a shark af- 
forded a welcome addition to their larder, as they were 
now reduced to bread and wine. The "Pinta" soon 
proved to be in poor condition for the voyage, as 
her mizzen-mast was out of order and could carry 
but little sail. The sea was calm and the course was 
east by northeast until February 4, when it was 
changed to east. On the loth the pilots and the 
captains took observations to determine their bear- 
ings, but with very unsatisfactory results. The im- 
perfect condition of the science of navigation was 
well illustrated by the fact that their reckonings 
differed by a hundred and fifty leagues. 

The calm monotony of the voyage was broken on 
the 1 3th. All night they laboured with a high wind 
and furious sea. On the next day the storm increased, 
" the waves crossing and dashing against one another, 
so that the vessel was overwhelmed." In the follow- 
ing night the two little ships made signals by lights 
as long as one could see the other. At sunrise the 
wind increased, and the sea became more and more 
terrible. The " Pinta " was nowhere to be seen, and 
the Admiral thought her lost. The journal records 
that he ordered lots to be cast for one of them to go 
on a pilgrimage to St. Mary of Guadaloupe, and 
carry a wax taper of five pounds weight, and that he 
caused them all to take oath that the one on whom 
the lot fell should make the pilgrimage. For this 
purpose as many peas were put into a hat as there 
were persons on board, one of the peas being marked 
with a cross. The first person to put his hand in the 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 109 

hat was the Admiral, and he drew the crossed pea. 
Two other lots were taken, one of these also faUing 
to Columbus. They then made a vow to go in pro- 
cession in penitential garments to the first church 
dedicated to Our Lady which they might meet with 
on arriving at land, and there pay their devotions. 

But notwithstanding these vows the danger con- 
tinued to increase. Lack of ballast was partially 
supplied by filling with sea-water such casks as they 
could make available. It is easy to conjecture what 
the anxiety of the Admiral must have been. One 
of the vessels had been lost in the Indies ; the 
"Pinta" had also probably perished; and now the 
fury of the hurricane was such as to make it extremely 
improbable that even the " Nina " would survive. In 
such a calamitous event no word of the discovery 
would ever reach Europe, and all the worst conjec- 
tures of the opponents of the expedition would seem 
to have been fulfilled. 

As a possible means of preventing so disastrous a 
result, Columbus wrote upon parchment aa account 
of the voyage and of the discoveries he had made, 
and after rolling it up in waxed cloth, well tied, 
and putting it into a large wooden cask, he threw it 
into the sea. Another he placed upon the deck of 
the vessel, in order that in case all upon the vessel 
should be lost, there might be a chance that the 
results of the voyage might still be made known. 

At sunrise of the 15 th, land was discovered, which 
some thought to be Madeira, and others the rock 
of Cintra, near Lisbon. According to the Admiral's 



no CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

reckoning, however, they were nearer the Azores. 
But the power of the storm was still so great that 
it was not until the morning of the i8th that they 
were able to come to an anchorage, and to find 
that they were in the group of the Azores, at the 
island of St. Mary. 

Columbus now sent a half of the crew on shore to 
fulfil their vows, intending on their return to go him- 
self with the other half, for the same purpose. But 
the first company of pilgrims were set upon by the 
Portuguese and taken prisoners. An attempt, though 
unsuccessful, was also made to capture the Admiral. 
A severe altercation occurred, in which the captain of 
the island ordered the Admiral on shore, and the 
Admiral in turn displayed his commission and threat- 
ened the island with devastation. It was not until 
the 2 2d that the parleyings came to an end and the 
captured portion of the crew was restored. 

Though for a few days the weather was propitious, 
on the 2 yth another storm came on, which continued 
for several days. On the 3d day of March a violent 
squall struck the vessel and split all the sails. They 
were again in such imminent danger that another 
pilgrimage was promised, and the crew all made a 
vow to fast on bread and water on the first Saturday 
after their landing. Having lost its sails, the vessel 
was now driven under bare poles before the wind. 
Through the night Columbus says that the " Nina " 
was kept afloat *'with infinite labor and apprehen- 
sion." But at the dawn of the 4th of March the 
Spaniards found they were off the rock of Cintra. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. ill 

Though from what had occurred, the Admiral enter- 
tained a strong distrust of the Portuguese Government, 
there was no alternative but to run into the port for 
shelter. 

In view of his experience during the returning voy- 
age, Columbus can hardly have been surprised to 
learn from some of the oldest mariners of the place 
that so tempestuous a winter had never been known. 
He received numerous congratulations on what was 
regarded as a miraculous preservation. 

Immediately on reaching the port the Admiral made 
formal announcement of his discoveries. A courier 
was despatched to the king and queen of Spain with 
the tidings. To the king of Portugal a letter was 
also sent requesting permission and authority to land 
at Lisbon, as a report that his vessel was laden with 
treasure had spread abroad and gave him a feeling of 
insecurity at the mouth of the Tagus, where he was 
surrounded by needy and unscrupulous adventurers. 
Accompanying this request was the assurance that the 
vessel had not visited any of the Portuguese colonies, 
but had come from Cipango and India, which he had 
discovered in the course of his westward voyage. 

For some days after his arrival Columbus seemed 
to be in some danger. For nearly a century Lisbon 
had derived its highest glory from maritime discovery, 
and it was therefore not singular that the advent of a 
vessel with such tidings should have filled the people 
with wonder and surprise. From morning till night 
the little ship was thronged with visitors piqued with 
curiosity. On the day after his arrival, the captain of 



112 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

a large Portuguese man-of-war summoned Columbus 
on board his ship to give an account of himself and 
his voyage. The explorer replied that he held a com- 
mission as admiral from the sovereigns of Spain, and, 
as such, he must refuse to leave his vessel, or to send 
any one in his place. This attitude of lofty dignity 
was successful. The Portuguese commander visited 
the caravel with sound of drums and trumpets, and 
made the most generous offers of protection and 
service. 

On the 8th of March Columbus received an invita- 
tion to visit the king at Valparaiso. Complying with 
this invitation, he received a friendly greeting. King 
John did not scruple to say that in his opinion, 
according to the articles stipulated with the Spanish 
monarchs, the new discovery belonged to him rather 
than to Castile. 

This claim was not without some show of reason. 
In the time of the Crusades the doctrine had been 
promulgated and generally accepted that Christian 
princes had a right to invade and seize upon the ter- 
ritories of infidels under the plea of defeating the 
enemies of Christ and of extending the sway of the 
Church. What particular Christian monarch was to 
have the right to a given territory was to be deter- 
mined by papal decision. Under this authority Pope 
Martin V. conceded to the Crown of Portugal all the 
lands that might be discovered between Cape Bojador 
and the Indies. This concession was formally con- 
sented to and ratified by Spain and Portugal in the 
treaty of 1479. Though it was evident that the in- 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 1 13 

tent of the treaty only related to such lands as might 
be discovered in a passage to the Indies by an eas- 
terly course, there was no verbal limitation, and 
therefore it can hardly be regarded as singular that 
the Portuguese monarch should now claim that it 
included within its provisions any lands that might be 
discovered in even a westerly voyage. 

But it is evident that Columbus regarded this ques- 
tion as one to be determined by the monarchs them- 
selves rather than by any discussion between his 
royal host and himself. Accordingly, he was content 
merely to observe that he had not been aware of the 
agreement to which allusion had been made, and 
that when setting out on his voyage, he had received 
explicit instructions not to interfere with any of the 
Portuguese settlements. 

Perhaps the only importance to be attached to this 
visit to the Portuguese port is the fact that by it Co- 
lumbus was made fully aware that the king of Portu- 
gal intended to contest the rights of Spain to the 
newly discovered lands. The claim of the king was 
eagerly taken up and seconded by his courtiers, some 
of whom were the very men who, ten years before, 
had advised against giving Columbus the assistance 
he needed, and consequently were piqued at the suc- 
cess that had finally crowned his efforts. They assured 
the monarch that the new lands, even if they were 
not the identical ones that had been reached by the 
Portuguese navigators who had sailed toward the east, 
were at least so near them as to make an independent 
title invalid. From one absurdity they went on to 

8 



114 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

another, until they reached the conclusion that the 
claims of the discoverer were absurd and preposter- 
ous, and that they were entitled to no consideration 
whatever. Spanish and Portuguese historians agree 
that the king's advisers even went so far as to propose 
the assassination of the Admiral, in order to prevent 
any future complications. 

It is to the credit of the monarch that, notwith- 
standing these ignoble proposals of his ministers, he 
treated Columbus with distinguished personal consid- 
eration. The hospitality extended was scarcely less 
than princely, and on the departure of the navigator 
the king gave him a royal escort that was com- 
manded to show him every kindness. On his way 
back to Lisbon the Admiral accepted an invitation to 
visit the queen at the monastery of Villa Franca, 
where he regaled her with a glowing and circum- 
stantial account of the expedition and the islands he 
had discovered. 

It must not be supposed, however, that the king 
was ingenuous. On the contrary, he listened with 
favour to some of the more subtle and sinister sugges- 
tions of his courtiers. The proposal that met with 
most countenance was the advice that they should 
fit out a strong fleet at once, and despatch it under 
command of one of the foremost captains of the 
Portuguese service, to take possession of the newly 
discovered country before a second Spanish expedi- 
tion could reach its destination. 

After thus passing nine days within the domain of 
Portugal, Columbus hoisted anchor on the 13th of 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. I15 

March, and reached the port of Palos on Friday, the 
15 th, where he was received with great demonstra- 
tions of joy. 

By the people of this Httle Spanish port the expe- 
dition had been regarded as chimerical and desperate. 
But the crews had formed no very small portion of 
the able-bodied men of the town. Many, therefore, 
had given up their friends as abandoned to the 
mysterious horrors with which credulity had always 
peopled the unknown seas. But now, many of their 
friends had not only returned, but they brought back 
accounts of the discovery of a new world. The 
bells were rung, the shops were closed, business of 
all kinds was suspended, a solemn procession was 
formed, and wherever Columbus was observed, he 
was hailed with acclamations. 

The court was at Barcelona. The Admiral at once 
despatched a letter to the king and queen, announ- 
cing his arrival, and informing them that he would 
await their orders at Seville. Before he departed 
from Palos, however, an event of great interest oc- 
curred. On the very evening of the arrival of Colum- 
bus, and while the bells of triumph were still ringing, 
the " Pinta," commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, 
entered the river. The two little vessels had parted 
company in the terrible storm off the Azores; and 
each, supposing that the other was lost, by a singular 
coincidence now, on the same day, reached the port 
from which they had together set out more than six 
months before. 

The connection of Martin Alonzo Pinzon with the 



y 



1 16 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

first voyage of Columbus is a subject which has 
received more or less of the attention of every his- 
torian of that remarkable event. Unfortunately, the 
ending of his career was one that threw an indelible 
stain upon the credit of his name. The conclud- 
ing facts of his life may be briefly stated. After 
parting from the " Nina," the '' Pinta," driven by 
the storm far to the north, and finding its way with 
infinite difficulty into the Bay of Biscay, took ref- 
uge in the port of Bayonne. Pinzon seems to 
have deemed it safe to presume that the " Nina " 
and all its crew had been lost. Accordingly, he 
wrote to the monarchs of Spain, announcing the 
discoveries he had made, and asking permission to 
wait upon the court and give the particulars in person. 
As soon as the storm abated, he set out for the port 
of Palos, evidently anticipating a triumphant entry; 
but when, on nearing the harbour, he beheld the ship 
of the Admiral, and heard the joyful acclamations 
with which Columbus had been received, his heart 
must have failed him. It is said that he feared to go 
ashore, lest Columbus should put him under arrest 
for having deserted him on the coast of Cuba, — at 
least he landed privately, and kept out of sight till 
the Admiral had taken his departure for the Spanish 
court. Deeply dejected, and broken in health, he 
betook himself to his home, to await the answer to 
the letter he had written to the king and queen. At 
length the answer came. It was reproachful in tone, 
and even forbade the appearance of Pinzon at court. 
This seemed to complete the humiliation of the old 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 1 17 

sailor, for he sank rapidly into a species of despair, 
and a few days later died, the victim of chagrin. 

Nevertheless the services that Pinzon rendered to 
the expedition ought not to go unrecognized. As we 
have already seen, his generosity had enabled Colum- 
bus to offer to defray one eighth of the expense of 
the expedition. More important still, at the moment 
when it seemed impossible to recruit, or even con- 
script, a crew, it was no other than Martin Alonzo 
Pinzon that came forward as the earnest and success- 
ful champion of the ex:pedition. He had been a 
navigator of distinction, and his wealth, his social 
rank, and his experience gave him an influence that 
withstood the tide of prejudice and made the secur- 
ing of a crew possible. He not only off'ered to give 
the enterprise his moral and pecuniary support, but 
he gave proof of the integrity of his declarations by 
offering to command one of the vessels in person, 
while his brother was to command another. It can- 
not be denied that these were great and important 
services, without which it would have been far more 
difficult, if not, indeed, impossible, to put the expedi- 
tion into sailing condition. But the extent of these 
services seems to have poisoned his mind in regard to 
his relations to his chief. During the voyage there 
were symptoms of an insubordinate spirit. The com- 
mission under which the fleet sailed gave to Colum- 
bus unquestionable authority; but Pinzon chafed 
under his restraints, and no sooner had they reached 
the coast of Cuba than he deserted his commander 
and undertook a voyage of discovery of his own. The 



Ii8 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

sequel unfortunately showed that in spirit he was not 
above ignoring entirely the work of Columbus, and 
arrogating to himself the credit of the discovery. 

Columbus, on the other hand, received in answer 
to his letter of announcement a most gracious reply 
from the Spanish sovereigns. That he was held in 
high favour, was shown by the simple form of the letter, 
which addressed him as '' Don Christopher Columbus, 
our Admiral of the Ocean Sea, and Viceroy and Gov- 
ernor of the Islands discovered in the Indies." The 
letter expressed the great satisfaction of the monarchs 
with his achievement, and requested him not only to 
repair immediately to court, but also to inform them 
by return of courier what was to be done on their part 
to prepare the way immediately for a second expedi- 
tion. Columbus lost no time in complying with their 
commands. He sent a memorandum of the ships, 
munitions, and men needed, and taking the six In- 
dians and various curiosities he had brought with him, 
set out for an audience at Barcelona. 

The fame of the discovery had been noised abroad, 
and even grossly exaggerated reports of the wonder- 
ful curiosities brought back had obtained currency. 
The people, therefore, everywhere thronged into the 
streets to get sight of Columbus and of his Indians, 
as they made the long journey from Palos to the 
court. 

On reaching Barcelona the Admiral found that every 
preparation had been made to receive him with the 
most imposing ceremonials. It has been customary 
to compare his entrance into the city with a Roman 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 119 

triumph. Certainly there was not a httle to justify 
such a comparison. The Indians, painted and deco- 
rated in savage fashion, birds and animals of unknown 
species, rare plants supposed to possess great healing 
qualities, Indian coronets, bracelets, and other deco- 
rations of gold, — all these were paraded and dis- 
played in order to convey an idea of the importance 
and the wealth of the newly discovered country. At 
the rear of the train, Columbus, on horseback, was 
escorted by a brilliant cavalcade of Spanish hidalgos. 

The sovereigns had determined to receive him with 
a stately ceremony worthy of his discovery. Upon a 
throne specially set up for the purpose the king and 
queen, with Prince Juan at their side, and surrounded 
with noble lords and ladies, awaited his coming into 
their presence. Columbus, also surrounded with a 
brilliant retinue, entered the hall and approached the 
throne. Las Casas, who was present, tells us that the 
Admiral was stately and commanding in person, and 
that the modest smile that played upon his counte- 
nance showed that " he enjoyed the state and glory 
in which he came." Though he was probably only 
forty-eight years of age, his prematurely gray hairs 
had already given him a venerable appearance. The 
sovereigns had made it evident that they desired to 
bestow upon him the admiration and gratitude of the 
nation. As he approached, they arose and saluted 
him as if receiving a person of the highest rank. 
When he was about to kneel, for the purpose of kiss- 
ing the hands of the sovereigns, in accordance with the 
conventional ceremonies of that proud court, they 



I20 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

ordered him in the most gracious manner to arise, 
and then to seat himself in their presence. 

At their bidding, Columbus then proceeded to give 
an account of his voyage and of his discoveries. The 
authorities agree that this was done in a sedate and 
discreet manner, though it is difficult to avoid the 
conviction that the Admiral promised for the future far 
more than was warranted by anything that had as 
yet been discovered. But the thought was never 
absent from his mind that the islands were just off the 
coast of Asia, and that they were not far from all the 
wealth of Cipango and Cathay. With this belief he 
did not hesitate to assure their Majesties that what 
he had already discovered was but a harbinger of in- 
calculable wealth, and that by further explorations 
whole nations and peoples would be brought to the 
true faith. 

The contemporaneous historians tell us that at the 
conclusion of this account the sovereigns were so 
affected that their eyes filled with tears of gratitude, 
and that they fell upon their knees and poured forth 
their thanks to God for the great blessing of this 
discovery. The Te Deiim was sung by the choir of 
the chapel, and Las Casas remarks that it seemed as 
if " in that hour they communicated with celestial 
delights." 

It is not strange that in this mood the monarchs 
were ready, not only to continue, but even to extend 
the authority already bestowed upon Columbus. Ac- 
cordingly, they confirmed the grants made at Santa 
Fe the year before, they granted him the royal 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. I2I 

arms of Castile and Leon, and for his sake they con- 
ferred special honours on his brothers Bartholomew 
and Diego. Columbus in turn committed himself to 
great things in the future. His ordinary religious 
fervour seems to have been greatly reinforced by the 
ceremonies of the day. In his desire to promote the 
conquest of the Holy Sepulchre he now went so far as 
to make a solemn vow that for this purpose he would 
furnish within seven years an army consisting of four 
thousand horse and fifty thousand foot, and that he 
would also provide a similar force within the next five 
years that should follow. 

It was unquestionably a weakness of Columbus that 
he was always prone to promise more than he could 
fulfil. This is perhaps the besetting fault of very 
fervid natures. But the consequences are often far 
reaching. Columbus thus prepared the way, or at 
least gave the opportunity, for virulent criticism and 
even hostility. Not a few of the old nobility had been 
piqued by the honours conferred upon a parvenu and 
a foreigner. All such were ready to organize an 
attack if the new favourite should show any weakness 
or fail to fulfil any of his promises. This important 
element in the situation should prepare us to under- 
stand much of what is to follow. 

In all affairs of international interest in the fifteenth 
century the Roman pontiff played a conspicuous part. 
There were unusual reasons why a formal announce- 
ment to the Pope of the success of Columbus should 
be made without delay. Such announcement was 
prompted, not only by the importance of the disco v- 



122 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

ery, but also by the religious motive that formed so 
large an element in the purpose of the discoverer. 
But there was an additional reason. As we have 
already seen, the king of Portugal had hinted that 
the newly discovered lands, in view of the treaty of 
1479, would be found to belong to himself rather 
than to the monarchs of Castile and Aragon. The 
Pope was the international mediator in all questions 
of this kind. The Spanish sovereigns accordingly 
determined to turn to the Pope without delay. 

The pontiff at that time was Alexander VL, who, 
though he has been stigmatized as having been guilty 
of nearly every vice, was not unmindful of the political 
significance of his position. Born a subject of Ara- 
gon, he might be supposed to think favourably of the 
claims of Spain ; but Ferdinand judged his character 
accurately, and therefore thought it not wise to trust 
anything to chance or accident. Accordingly, he 
despatched ambassadors to the court of Rome to 
announce the new discovery with due formality, and 
to set forth the gain that must accrue to the Church 
from the acquisition of so vast a new territory. The 
ambassadors were charged to say that great care had 
been taken not to trench upon the possessions that 
had been ceded to Portugal. On one further point 
the instructions of Ferdinand were characteristic of 
his great political acumen. He desired to intimate 
as delicately as possible, but at the same time with 
unequivocal distinctness, that whatever the papal 
pleasure might be, he should maintain and defend his 
newly acquired possessions at all hazards. This he 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 123 

did by instructing his ambassadors to say that in the 
opinion of many learned men it was not necessary 
that he should obtain the papal sanction for the title 
of the newly discovered lands, but that notwithstanding 
this fact, as pious and devoted princes, the king and 
queen supplicated his Holiness to issue a papal bull 
conceding the lands which Columbus had discovered, 
or hereafter might discover, to the Crown of Castile. 

The news was received by Alexander with great 
joy; and the request was the more readily granted 
because of the favour which the Spanish sovereigns had 
recently acquired at Rome by the successful termina- 
tion of the terrible conflict with the Moors. Indeed, 
these new discoveries appear to have been regarded 
as in some sense an appropriate reward for the vigor- 
ous prosecution of that crusade against the infidels. 
A bull was accordingly issued on the 2d of May, 1493, 
conceding to the Spanish sovereigns the same rights 
and privileges in respect to the newly discovered 
lands in the West as had previously been granted to 
the king of Portugal in regard to their discoveries in 
Africa. In order to prevent the liability of dispute as 
to jurisdiction, this bull was accompanied with another 
to determine a line of demarcation. The pope es- 
tablished an imaginary line " one hundred leagues 
west of the Azores and Cape de Verde Islands," ex- 
tending from pole to pole. All lands west of this 
line that had not been discovered by some other 
Christian power before the preceding Christmas, 
and that had been or might hereafter be discov- 
ered by Spanish navigators, should belong to the 



124 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

Crown of Spain ; all east of that line, to the Crown 
of Portugal. 

While these negotiations were going on with the 
Pope, great activity was displayed in preparation for 
the next voyage. In order to further the interests of 
Spain in the West, what in these days we should per- 
haps call a bureau of discovery was now established. 
This was placed under the superintendence of Fon- 
seca, archdeacon of Seville, who afterward received 
several high ecclesiastical honours, including the patri- 
archate of the Indies. He was already a man of posi- 
tion and influence ; but the writers of the time agree 
that he was possessed of a worldly spirit, and was de- 
voted to temporal rather than to spiritual affairs. He 
seemed, however, to be so well adapted to the form- 
ing and the fitting out of armadas that, notwithstand- 
ing his high ecclesiastical dignities, the monarchs saw 
fit to keep him in virtual control of Indian affairs for 
about thirty years. Though he had great business 
abilities, he was capable of intense animosity, and was 
by no means above gratifying his private resentments 
in the most malignant and vindictive spirit. To assist 
Fonseca, Francisco Pinelo was appointed treasurer, 
and Juan de Soria comptroller. Their office was 
fixed at Seville, but the jurisdiction of the company, 
as we shall see, extended over a wide territory. Cadiz 
was made the special port of entry, with a custom- 
house for the new branch of maritime service. 

The despotic rigour with which affairs were then 
kept in the hands of the government is well illus- 
trated by the character of the orders that were 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 125 

issued. No one was permitted to go to the New 
World, either to trade or to form an establishment for 
other reasons, without an express license from the 
sovereigns, from Fonseca, or from Columbus. A still 
more despotic spirit was shown in the royal order 
commanding that " all ships in the ports of Andalusia, 
with their captains, pilots, and crews," should hold 
themselves in readiness to serve in the new expe- 
dition. Columbus and Fonseca were authorized to 
purchase, at their own price, any vessel that was 
needed, and, in case of necessity, to take it by 
force. They were also authorized to seize the requi- 
site arms, provisions, and ammunitions " at any place 
or in any vessel in which they might be found," pay- 
ing therefor such a price as they themselves might fix 
upon as fair and just. They were also authorized to 
compel, not mariners alone, but officers holding any 
rank or station whatsoever, to embark on their fleet, 
under such conditions and pay as they might deem 
reasonable. Finally, all civil authorities were called 
upon to render every assistance in expediting the 
armament, and were warned not to allow any impedi- 
ment to be thrown in the way, on penalty of loss of 
office and confiscation of estate. To provide the 
necessary expenses, the Crown pledged two thirds of 
the church tithes and the sequestered property of the 
Jews, who, by the edict of the preceding year, had 
been deprived of their jewels and other possessions 
and ordered out of the realm. If, notwithstanding 
these somewhat ample resources, there should still be 
a lack of funds, the treasurer was authorized to con- 



126 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

tract a loan. These orders were issued while Colum- 
bus was still at Barcelona, and presumably with his 
approval. 

Under these rigorous instructions, and in view of 
the popular interest in the enterprise, preparations 
for the new voyage went forward without delay. Fon- 
seca gave himself to the collecting of vessels and their 
equipment with great energy. But notwithstanding 
the great resources placed at his disposal, the prepa- 
ration of the fleet necessarily made slow progress. 
Confronting these great powers, there were the per- 
petual obstacles of human nature and individual inter- 
est. Even despotism has its limitations. So much 
opposition was found to be in the way of the prac- 
tical confiscation of ships and munitions that it was 
not until the summer was far gone that the fleet was 
ready to sail. Columbus had left Barcelona on the 
28th day of May ; it was not till the 25 th of Septem- 
ber that the fleet were ready to weigh anchor and turn 
their prows to the west. 

There were special reasons why the Spanish sove- 
reigns desired Columbus to hasten his departure on 
the second voyage. A diplomatic controversy of 
more than usual subtilty had sprung up between Fer- 
dinand and Isabella and King John of Portugal. 
The Portuguese monarch, probably moved by chagrin 
as well as by envy, entertained a firm determination 
not to abandon his claims to the new discoveries, 
except from the most absolute necessity. One of the 
historians of King John's reign admits that this mon- 
arch distributed bribes freely among the courtiers of 



THE FIRST VOYAGE. 12 7 

Ferdinand, and that by this means he had no diffi- 
culty in learning of the secret purposes of the Spanish 
court. Ambassadors were freely interchanged for 
the purpose of settling the questions of jurisdiction 
that had been raised. At one time the envoy of 
Ferdinand was intrusted with two communications, 
one of which was friendly, while the other was stern 
and imperative in its nature. In case he should 
find a pacific disposition on the part of the Portu- 
guese king, he was to deliver the former ; but if he 
should learn of any hostile intent to seize upon or 
disturb the newly discovered lands, he was to present 
the communication couched in peremptory terms, 
forbidding him to undertake any enterprise of the 
kind. 

The import of both these communications was 
made known to John by his spies at the Spanish 
court. Accordingly, he conducted himself in such a 
way as to draw forth only the more pacific despatch. 
But notwithstanding this show of courtesy, Ferdi- 
nand had little difficulty in learning that the Portu- 
guese monarch was planning to seize upon the new 
possessions before the second expedition of Colum- 
bus could reach its destination. His policy, therefore, 
was not only to hasten the preparations of the new 
expedition, but also to delay as much as possible by 
dilatory negotiations the movements of King John. 
In this latter purpose his great diplomatic acumen 
had full scope, and was entirely successful. He pro- 
posed that the question of their respective rights 
should be submitted for arbitration. The envoys 



128 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

consumed much time in passing with great cere- 
mony between the two courts. King John con- 
sidered it prudent neither to accept nor to dechne 
this proposition until he had taken the precaution 
to make due inquiries of the Pope. The answer 
was what, in view of the papal bull above referred 
to, might have been expected. The Portuguese am- 
bassador was informed that his Holiness would adhere 
to his decision establishing the line of demarcation 
at a hundred leagues west of the Azores. Thus 
Ferdinand secured a twofold triumph. The Pope 
had confirmed his title, and time enough had elapsed 
to enable the Spanish fleet to reach the disputed 
ground before the fleet of King John could be put 
in readiness to sail. 

It remains to be added on this subject that King 
John, finding himself defeated in his attempts to 
gain possession of the newly discovered territories, 
now addressed himself to the task of having the 
line of demarcation extended farther to the west. 
In this he was more successful. After prolonged 
negotiations, it was finally agreed, and the agreement 
was embodied in the treaty of Tordesillas, June 
7, 1494, that the papal line of partition should be 
moved to three hundred and seventy leagues west 
of the Cape de Verde Islands. This treaty remained 
in force during the age of discovery, and its impor- 
tance is attested by the fact that it prevented all 
further discussions. _. -- 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 129 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE SECOND VOYAGE. 

On the morning of the 25th of September, 1493, 
all was in readiness for the second voyage. The 
fleet, consisting of seventeen vessels, large and small, 
was at anchor in the bay of Cadiz. The scene 
presented a sharp contrast to that of the modest 
embarkation at Palos the year before. Now there 
was no difficulty in recruiting men ; on the con- 
trary, those who were permitted to accompany the 
expedition were regarded as peculiarly fortunate. 
Stories of the untold wealth of the new regions had 
been freely circulated and were very generally be- 
lieved. It was the wellnigh fatal misfortune of the 
expedition that the men who embarked on this sec- 
ond voyage believed they were bound for golden 
regions, where nothing but wealth and the indolent 
pleasures of the tropics awaited them. This cur- 
rent but unfortunate belief determined, in large 
measure, the personal character of the passengers 
and the crew. Many of them were adventurers 
pure and simple ; some were high-spirited hidalgos 
seeking romantic experiences ; some were hardy 
mariners looking for new laurels in unknown seas ; 

9 



130 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

some were visionary explorers going out simply for 
novelty and excitement ; some were scheming specu- 
lators eager for profit at the expense of innocent 
natives ; some were priests more or less devoutly 
solicitous for the conversion of the Indians and the 
propagation of the Catholic faith. Unfortunately, 
among them all there was nothing of that sturdy 
yeomanry which has ever been found so useful in 
making colonization successful. 

Before sunrise the whole fleet was in motion. 
Steering to the southwest, in order to avoid the 
domains of Portugal, they arrived at the Grand 
Canary on the ist of October. Here they were 
detained a few days in order to take in a quantity 
of swine, calves, goats, and sheep, with which to 
stock the newly discovered lands. The Admiral 
took the precaution of giving to each of the captains 
sealed orders, indicating the route to be taken, — 
which, however, were not to be opened except in 
case a vessel should lose sight of the fleet. Happily 
this precaution proved not to have been necessary. 
Weighing anchor again, the fleet, on the 7th of Octo- 
ber, took a southwesterly course, with the purpose 
of making the Caribbees. After a prosperous voy- 
age, they came upon land on the morning of the 
3d of November. 

The group of islands among which Columbus now 
found himself was the beautiful cluster which, from 
the eastern end of Porto Rico, bends around in the 
shape of a crescent toward the south, and forms a 
broken barrier between the main ocean and the 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 131 

Caribbean Sea. The first island they reached he 
called Dominica, in recognition of the fact that it 
was discovered on Sunday ; but the group as a whole, 
at a later period, he somewhat humorously denomi- 
nated St. Ursula and the Eleven Thousand Virgins. 

After cruising around several of the smaller islands, 
the Admiral discovered a place for safe anchorage, 
and went ashore. As the natives fled in confusion, 
the Spaniards had excellent opportunities of inspect- 
ing their ways of living. A village was found, con- 
sisting of twenty or thirty houses arranged about a 
hollow square. Each had its portico for shelter 
from the sun. Within were found hammocks of net- 
ting, utensils of earthenware, and a rude form of 
cotton cloth. In one of the houses was discovered 
a cooking utensil, apparently of iron, but probably 
of some kind of stone which, when burned, has a 
metallic lustre. But what struck the Spaniards with 
special interest, and even with horror, was the sight 
of human bones, — giving evidence, as the discover- 
ers supposed, that they were indeed in the land of 
cannibals. 

On the following day the boats again made a land- 
ing, — this time on an island which was named Gua- 
daloupe, — and succeeded in capturing a boy and 
several women. From these Columbus learned that 
the inhabitants of the island were in league with the 
peoples of two other islands, and that this rude con- 
federacy made war on all the rest. Its habit was to go 
on predatory excursions to neighbouring islands, to 
make prisoners of the youngest and handsomest of the 



132 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

women as servants and companions, and to capture 
men and children to be killed and eaten. It was also 
learned that nearly all the warriors of the island were 
absent. At the time of the arrival, the king, with three 
hundred men, was on a cruise in quest of prisoners ; 
the women meantime, being expert archers, were left 
to defend their homes from invasion. 

The fleet was detained for several days by the tem- 
porary loss of one of the captains and eight of his men. 
The commander of one of the caravels had gone on 
an exploring expedition, and penetrated into the 
forest with a part of his crew. The night passed 
without their return, and the greatest apprehensions 
were felt for their safety. Several parties were sent 
out in various directions in quest of them ; but no 
tidings could be obtained. It was not until several 
days had elapsed, and the fleet was about to sail, 
that, to the joy of all, they made a signal from the 
shore. Their abject appearance immediately re- 
vealed how terribly they had suffered. For days 
they had wandered about in a vast and trackless 
forest, climbing mountains, fording streams, utterly 
bewildered, and almost in despair lest the Admiral, 
thinking them dead, should set sail and leave them 
to perish. Notwithstanding the universal joy over 
their return, the Admiral, with very questionable 
judgment, put the captain under arrest, and stopped 
a part of the rations of the other men. As they had 
strayed away without permission, Columbus thought 
so gross a breach of discipline should not go unpun- 
ished. It seems not to have occurred to him that 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 133 

the penalty had already been inflicted, and that he 
now had an opportunity to secure the loyalty instead 
of the enmity of the offenders. 

On the loth of November the Admiral hoisted 
anchor, and with all on board turned the ships to 
the northwest for La Navidad. After a few days 
at one of the intermediate islands, he sent a boat 
on shore for water and for information. The boat's 
crew found a village occupied exclusively by women 
and children. A few of these were seized and taken 
on board the ships. In one of the affrays, however, 
it was learned that the Carib women could ply their 
bows and arrows with amazing vigour and skill. 
Though the Spaniards generally covered themselves 
successfully with their bucklers, two of them were 
severely wounded. On their return to the ships, 
a canoe containing Carib women was upset, when, 
to the amazement of the Spaniards, it was found that 
the natives could discharge their arrows while swim- 
ming, as skilfully as though they had been upon 
land. One of the arrows thus discharged penetrated 
quite through a Spanish buckler. 

It is difficult to read the original accounts of this 
expedition without receiving from it a very painful 
impression. Wherever the Spaniards landed, they 
must have left a remembrance of bitter enmity. 
Their inquiries everywhere were for gold, and their 
exploits were little less or more than the capture 
of women and children. The natives may have been 
cannibals indeed ; but aside from all question of 
moral obligation, one cannot overlook the fact that 



134 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

they were capable of animosities, and that in conse- 
quence they were in position to help or to hinder 
the success of the Spanish expedition. It is not 
easy to understand how, as a matter of policy alone, 
any course could have been more unwise than that 
\Yhich was pursued. 

It was the 2 2d of November before the fleet ar- 
rived off the eastern extremity of Hispaniola. Great 
excitement prevailed among the crew in anticipation 
of meeting the colonists at La Navidad. Arriving 
at the Gulf of Las Flechas, or, as it is now called, 
Semana Bay, Columbus thought it wise to send ashore 
one of the Indians whom the year before he had 
captured at this place and taken with him to Spain. 
The Indian had been converted to Christianity, and 
had learned so much of the Spanish language that 
the Admiral had confident hopes of his rendering im- 
portant service. The native was gorgeously dressed, 
and loaded with trinkets with which to make a fa- 
vourable impression on his countrymen. It is a sig- 
nificant fact that, although he made fair promises 
of every kind, he was never seen or heard of again. 
The loss was all the more important as now there 
was remaining with the fleet only one of the Indians 
that had been taken to Spain, and there was no 
certainty that even this one would not escape at the 
first opportunity. 

On the 25 th the Admiral cast anchor in the har- 
bour of Monte Christi, desirous of taking further ob- 
servations about the mouth of the stream which, in the 
former voyage, he had called the Rio del Oro, or the 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 135 

Golden River. But all the pleasant anticipations of 
the adventurers now began to be overcast with gloomy- 
forebodings. On the banks they discovered two dead 
bodies, with arms extended and bound by the wrists 
to a wooden stake in the form of a cross. Other 
evidences were not wanting to warrant the fear that 
some misfortune had befallen Arana and his com- 
panions. Two days later, anchors were dropped off 
the harbour of Navidad. Cannon were fired; but 
there came back no welcoming response. There 
was no sign of life, — nothing but a deathlike silence. 
It was now evident that disaster had overtaken the 
colony. On the following day the terrible fact was 
revealed that every member had perished. 

The first shock occasioned by this information was, 
however, slightly alleviated by the friendly bearing 
of the natives. At first it was feared that there had 
been treachery on the part of the Indians in whom 
the Admiral had reposed confidence and friendship ; 
but the accounts given by the natives tended to dis- 
pel this fear, and to convince the Spaniards that the 
colonists had perished from other causes. Some of 
them, it was said, had died of sickness ; some had 
fallen in quarrels among themselves; and some, 
having gone to other parts of the island, had taken 
Indian wives and adopted the customs of the natives. 
These accounts justified the hope that some of the 
garrison were yet alive, and might return to the fleet 
and give an account, not only of the disaster, but also 
of the interior of the island. 

But on going ashore to reconnoitre, Columbus 



136 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

found very little reason for comfort or hope. The 
fortress was a ruin, the palisades were beaten down, 
the chests were broken open, the provisions were 
spoiled, — in short, the whole settlement presented 
the appearance of having been sacked and destroyed. 
Here and there were to be found broken utensils and 
torn garments, but no traces of the garrison were 
to be seen. Cannon were fired, but no response 
was awakened, and nothing but a mournful silence 
reigned over the desolation. 

Columbus had ordered Arana, in case of attack 
or danger, to secrete the treasure in a well ; but all 
their efforts to discover where anything had been 
concealed were now in vain. It was not until the 
search had been kept up for several days that even 
dead bodies were found. Suspicions were revived 
that there had been treachery on the part of the 
cacique ; but a little exploration resulted in the dis- 
covery that the tribal village of that official had also 
shared in the disaster that had befallen the garrison. 

Little by little the general facts of the calamity 
came to be known. The colony, with the exception 
of the commander, was made up of men of the low- 
est order. The list included a considerable number 
of mariners that were given to every kind of excess 
and turbulence. Surrounded by savage tribes, they 
were dependent on the good-will of the natives, as 
well as on their own prudence and good conduct. 
Oviedo assures us that they soon fell into every 
species of wanton abuse. Some were prompted by 
unrestrained avarice, and some by gross sensuality. 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 137 

Not content with the two or three wives apiece which 
the good-natured cacique allowed them, they gave 
themselves up to the most unbridled license with the 
wives and daughters of the Indians. The natural 
consequences followed. Fierce brawls ensued over 
their ill-gotten spoils and the favours of the Indian 
women. The injunctions of Columbus that they 
should keep together in the fortress and maintain 
military order were neglected and forgotten. Many 
deserted the garrison, and lived at random among 
the natives. These were gradually formed into 
groups, to protect themselves and despoil the rest. 
Violent affrays ensued. One company, under the 
command of a subordinate officer, set out for the 
"mines of Cibao, of which, from the first, they had 
heard marvellous accounts. The region to which they 
went was in the eastern part of the island, — a ter- 
ritory governed by Caonabo, a Carib chieftain famous 
for his fierce and warlike exploits. He was the hero 
of the island ; and the departure of Columbus gave 
him an opportunity to rid the country of those who 
threatened to eclipse his authority. When now his 
territory was actually invaded, he determined to ex- 
terminate the colony. The campaign appears not 
to have been a long or difficult one. The cacique 
of the region surrounding La Navidad was faithful 
to his promises, and fought with the Spaniards against 
the Carib chieftain. But even their united efforts 
were unsuccessful. The local cacique, Guacanagari, 
and his subjects fought faithfully in defence of their 
guests, but they were soon overpowered. Some of 



138 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

the Spaniards were killed in the struggle, some were 
driven into the sea and drowned, some were mas- 
sacred on shore ; not a single one was ever heard 
of again alive. 

The cacique Guacanagari continued to manifest 
his friendly interest in Columbus and his crew, 
though it was evident that his belief in the heavenly- 
origin and character of the Spaniards had been sadly 
shaken. It is said that the gross licentiousness of the 
garrison had already impaired his veneration for the 
heaven-born visitors. When, therefore, Columbus pro- 
posed to establish a permanent settlement in the region, 
Guacanagari expressed his satisfaction, but observed 
that the region was unhealthy, and that perhaps the 
Spaniards could do better in some other locality. 

While these parleyings were going on, an event 
occurred of interesting and even romantic signifi- 
cance. The cacique visited the ship of the Admiral, 
and was greatly interested in all that he saw. Among 
other objects of curiosity were the women whom the 
visitors had taken as prisoners on the Caribbean 
Islands. One of these, who by reason of her stately 
beauty had been named Catilina, particularly at- 
tracted the interest and admiration of the chieftain. 
Several days later, a brother of the cacique came on 
board under pretence of bargaining gold for Spanish 
trinkets. In the course of his visit he succeeded in 
having an interview with Catilina. At midnight, just 
before the fleet was about to sail, the tropical beauty 
awakened her companions. Though the ship was 
anchored three miles from land and the sea was 



Tim SECOND VOYAGE. 139 

rough, they let themselves down by the sides of the 
vessel, and swam vigorously for the shore. The 
watchmen, however, were awakened, and a boat was 
quickly sent out in pursuit. But the skill and vigour 
of the women were such that they reached the land 
in safety. Though four of them were retaken on the 
beach, Catilina and the rest of her companions made 
good their escape to the forest. On the following 
day, when Columbus sent to demand of Guacanagari 
the return of the fugitives, it was found that the 
cacique had removed his effects and his followers 
to the interior. This sudden departure confirmed 
the suspicion in the mind of Columbus that Guacana- 
gari was a traitor to the Spaniards ; he even thought 
that the chief had been the perfidious betrayer of the 
garrison. 

This suspicion made Columbus all the more willing 
to seek another spot for a permanent settlement. 
After some days spent in explorations, it was deter- 
mined to establish a post at about ten leagues east 
of La Navidad, where they found a spacious harbour, 
protected on one side by a natural rampart of rocks, 
and on the other by an impervious forest, as Ber- 
naldez says, *' so close that a rabbit could hardly 
make his way through it." A green and beautiful 
plain, extending back from the sea, was watered by 
two rivers, which promised to furnish the needed 
power for mills. The streams abounded in fish, 
the soil was covered with an exuberant vegetation, 
and the climate appeared to be temperate and 
genial. This site had the further advantage of 



I40 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

proximity to the gold mines in the mountains of 
Cibao. 

Here the first American city was projected, to 
which Columbus, in honour of the queen, gave the 
name of Isabella. Streets and squares were promptly 
laid out ; a church, a public storehouse, and a resi- 
dence for the Admiral were begun without delay. The 
public houses were built of stone, while those in- 
tended for private occupation were constructed of 
wood, plaster, and such other materials as the situation 
afforded. 

It was not long, however, before there was abun- 
dant evidence that the colony was made up of men 
very ill adapted to the peculiar hardships of the situa- 
tion. The labour of clearing lands, building houses, 
and planting orchards and gardens can be success- 
fully carried on only by men accustomed to vigorous 
manual labour. The stagnant and malarious atmos- 
phere bore hard upon those who had been accustomed 
to old and highly cultivated lands. Long after land- 
ing, moreover, the Spaniards were obliged to subsist 
very largely upon salt food and mouldy bread. It is 
not strange that the maladies peculiar to new coun- 
tries broke out with violence. Disaffections of mind 
also became wellnigh universal. Many of the ad- 
venturers had embarked with the expectation of 
finding the golden regions of Cipango and Cathay, 
where fortunes were to be accumulated without ef- 
fort. Instead of the realization of these hopes, they 
now found that they were doomed to struggle with 
the hard conditions of Nature, and to toil painfully 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 141 

for the merest subsistence. What with the ravages 
of disease and the general gloom of despondency, 
the situation soon became painful indeed. Even the 
strength of Columbus himself was obliged finally to 
succumb to the cares and anxieties of the situation. 
But though for several weeks he was confined to his 
bed by illness, he still had the fortitude to give direc- 
tions about the building of the city and the superin- 
tending of the general affairs of the colony. 

The situation was indeed depressing. Columbus 
had hoped that soon after reaching his destination he 
should be able to send back to Spain glowing reports 
of what had been accomplished by the settlers at 
La Navidad, as well as in regard to his own discove- 
ries. But the destruction of the colony had now 
rendered such a report impossible. In order, how- 
ever, to relieve the disappointment at home as much 
as possible, he determined to send out two exploring 
expeditions, in the hope that the cities and mines, of 
which he had heard and dreamed so much, might be 
discovered. He was still ardent in the belief that 
the island of Hispaniola was none other than Ci- 
pango, and that somewhere not far away would be 
found the cities of boundless wealth of which Marco 
Polo and Toscanelli had written. 

To lead the two expeditions of discovery, Columbus 
selected two cavaliers by the name of Ojeda and 
Gorvalan. The former had already, before leaving 
Spain, made himself famous for his daring spirit and 
great vigour and agility of body. The latter seems 
also to have been well adapted to the task before 



142 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

him. The expeditions pressed southward into the 
very heart of the island. That of Ojeda was the 
more interesting and the more important. After 
chmbing the adjacent mountain range, the explorers 
found themselves on the edge of a vast plain, or vega^ 
that was studded with villages and hamlets. The in- 
habitants were everywhere hospitable. Five or six 
days were needed to cross the plain and reach the 
chain of mountains that were said to enclose the 
golden region of Cibao. Caonabo, the redoubtable 
chief of the region, nowhere appeared to dispute 
their passage. The natives everywhere received the 
explorers with kindness, and pointed out to them 
numerous evidences of natural wealth. Particles of 
shining gold were seen in the mountain-streams, and 
if we may believe the chroniclers of the time, Ojeda 
himself, in one of the brooks, picked up a large mass 
of native metal. As the object of the expedition 
was merely to explore the nature of the country, 
Ojeda was now satisfied with the result, and accord- 
ingly he led back his band of explorers to the fleet. 
He gave a glowing account of the golden resources 
of the island, and his story was corroborated by the 
report of Gorvalan. Columbus decided at once to 
send back a report to the Spanish monarchs. Twelve 
of the ships were ordered to put themselves in 
readiness for the return voyage. 

The report sent by Columbus was one of great im- 
portance. He described the exploring expeditions 
in glowing terms, and repeated his former hopes 
of being able soon to make abundant shipments of 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 143 

gold and other articles of value. Special stress was 
laid on the beauty and fertility of the land, in- 
cluding its adaptation to the raising of the various 
grains and vegetables produced in Europe. Time, 
however, would be required, he said, to obtain the 
provisions necessary for subsistence from the fields 
and gardens ; and therefore the colonists must rely, 
for a considerable time to come, upon shipments from 
home. He then enumerated the articles that would 
be especially needed. He censured the contractors 
that had furnished the wine, charging them with using 
leaky casks, and then called for an additional number 
of workmen and mechanics and men skilled in the 
working of ores. 

This interesting report is still preserved, with the 
comments of the Spanish sovereigns written on the 
margins. To the descriptions of what had been 
done, as well as to the recommendations for the fu- 
ture, commendation and assent were given in generous 
and complimentary terms. One or two passages are 
of exceptional interest. In regard to the wine, 
Columbus writes, — 

" A large portion of the wine that we brought with us 
has run away, in consequence, as most of the men say, of 
the bad cooperage of the butts made at Seville ; the arti- 
cle that we stand most in need of now, and shall stand in 
need of, is wine." 

To this declaration, which would seem to be good 
evidence that dishonest or negligent contractors are 
not the peculiarity of the nineteenth century, the 
following was the royal response : — 



144 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

" Their Highnesses will give instructions to Don Juan 
de Fonseca to make inquiry respecting the imposition in 
the matter of the casks, in order that those who supplied 
them shall, at their own expense, make good the loss 
occasioned by the waste of the wine, together with the 
costs." 

But the most interesting, as well as the most signi- 
ficant part of the report is that which pertains to what 
was nothing less than a purpose to open a slave-trade 
on a large scale between the islands and the mother- 
country. In a former portion of the letter, Columbus 
had already called attention to the advantages that 
would flow from a system of sending slaves to Spain 
to be educated in the Spanish language, and then 
brought back to the islands as interpreters. To this 
proposal the royal assent was given in the following 
characteristic words : — 

" He has done well, and let him do what he says ; but 
let him endeavour by all possible means to connect them 
to our holy Catholic religion, and do the same with 
respect to the inhabitants of all the islands to which he 
may go." 

But to the more elaborate and systematic proposal, 
a different answer was returned. The paragraph of 
the memorial containing the proposition is so curious 
a combination of sophistry and good motives that it 
will bear quoting as a whole. The reader should per- 
haps be reminded that although the paper was in- 
tended for the king and queen, it was addressed to 
Antonio de Torres, as ambassador. The following is 
the language of Columbus : — 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 145 

" You will tell their Highnesses that the welfare of the 
souls of the said cannibals, and the inhabitants of this 
island also, has suggested the thought that the greater 
number that are sent over to Spain the better, and thus 
good service may result to their Highnesses in the follow- 
ing manner. Considering what great need we have of 
cattle and beasts of burden, both for food and to assist 
the settlers in this and all these islands, both for peopling 
the land and cultivating the soil, their Highnesses might 
authorize a suitable number of caravels to come here 
every year to bring over said cattle and provisions and 
other articles ; these cattle, etc., might be sold at mode- 
rate prices for account of the bearers, and the latter might 
be paid with slaves taken from among the Caribbees, who 
are a wild people, fit for any work, well proportioned and 
very intelligent, and who, when they have got rid of the 
cruel habits to which they have been accustomed, will be 
better than any other kind of slaves. When they are 
out of their country, they will forget their cruel customs ; 
and it will be easy to obtain plenty of these savages by 
means of row-boats that we propose to build. It is taken 
for granted that each of the caravels sent by their High- 
nesses will have on board a confidential man, who will 
take care that the vessels do not stop anywhere else than 
here, where they are to unload and reload their vessels. 
Their Highnesses might fix duties on the slaves that 
may be taken over, upon their arrival in Spain. You will 
ask for a reply upon this point, and bring it to me, in 
order that I may be able to take the necessary measures, 
should the proposition merit the approbation of their 
Highnesses." 

To this elaborate scheme for reducing the natives 
to slavery the sovereigns gave the diplomatic answer 
characteristic of those who would say no in a manner 

10 



146 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

that would give the least offence. The royal language 
was the folio wmg : — 

"The consideration of this subject has been suspended 
for a time until further advices arrive from the other side ; 
let the Admiral write more fully what he thinks upon the 
matter." 

The authority asked for certainly was not granted ; 
but, on the other hand, there was no intimation that 
the proposition would, in the end, meet with a refusal. 
Columbus seems to have thought it not imprudent 
to take advantage of the doubt ; for Bernaldez tells 
us that the Admiral " made incursions into the inte- 
rior, and captured vast numbers of the natives ; and 
the second time that he sent home, he sent five hun- 
dred Indian men and women, all in the flower of their 
age, between twelve years and thirty-five or there- 
abouts, all of whom were delivered at Seville to Don 
Juan de Fonseca." "They came," continued Bernal- 
dez, " as they went about in their own country, naked 
as they were born ; from which they experienced no 
more embarrassment than the brutes." " They were 
sold," the narrator adds, " but proved of very little 
service, for the greater part of them died of the 
climate." 

Of interesting significance also are the passages 
and answers relating to gold. In one of the para- 
graphs Columbus calls attention to the fact that 
although the gold discovered has been found in the 
streams, it must have come from the earth, and that 
the procuring of it will involve the delay necessarily 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 1 47 

attending the establishment of mining operations. 
He recommends that labourers in considerable num- 
bers be sent out from the quicksilver mines. To 
these suggestions the king responds, — 

" It is the most necessary thing possible that he should 
strive to find the way to this gold." 

And to the suggestion in regard to the mines he 
responds, — 

" This shall be completely provided for in the next 
voyage out ; meanwhile Don Juan de Fonseca has their 
Highnesses' orders to send as many miners as he can 
find. Their Highnesses write also to Almaden with 
instructions to select the greatest number that can be 
procured, and to send them up." 

After the departure of the vessels for Spain, the 
Admiral, having for the most part recovered his 
health, determined to make an expedition in person 
into the heart of the island. Accordingly, on the 
1 2th of March, 1494, he set out with the requisite 
number of men, foot and horse, for the province of 
Cibao. This region was distant about eighteen 
leagues. To reach his destination it was necessary 
to cross the beautiful plain which had already been 
described by Ojeda, and to which the Admiral now 
gave the name of Royal Vega. On the border of 
Cibao he decided to build a fortress, which should be 
at once a protection and a rallying-point. The na- 
tives as yet continued to be friendly, and came in 
considerable numbers to barter bits of gold for such 
trmkets as the Spaniards might give in exchange. 



148 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

The gold mines, however, seemed to be as far away 
as ever, although glowing accounts were given by the 
natives of the nuggets that were to be discovered be- 
yond the mountains. But instead of completing his 
explorations in person, Columbus now determined to 
return to the fleet and make a voyage to what he sup- 
posed to be the continent. The fortress, to which he 
gave the name St. Thomas, was intrusted to a garri- 
son under the command of Margarite, an officer of 
high rank and much experience. 

It is of interest to note at this point that the early 
opinions of the Spaniards in regard to the Indians 
had slowly undergone a very considerable change. 
Further acquaintance had convinced Columbus that 
they were not quite so guileless and docile as at first 
he had supposed them to be. They were found to 
know something of war, — at least to be acquainted 
with certain rude methods of attack and defence. 
The proximity of the Caribs was giving them a con- 
stant schooling in the art of self-protection. 

It is at this point that Bernaldez, a companion and 
friend of Columbus, gives an interesting account of 
the products of the islands and of some of the pecu- 
Harities of the natives. The following passage is per- 
haps the most graphic and circumstantial account left 
us by any contemporaneous writer : — 

" As the people of all these islands are destitute of 
iron, it is wonderful to see their tools, which are of stone, 
very sharp and admirably made, such as axes, adzes, and 
other instruments, which they use in constructing their 
dwellings. Their food is bread, made from roots, which 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 149 

God has given them instead of wheat; for they have 
neither wheat nor rye, nor barley, nor oats, nor spelt- 
wheat, nor panic-grass, nor anything resembling them. 
No kind of food that the Castilians had as yet tasted was 
like anything that we have here. There were no beans, 
nor chick-peas, nor vetches, nor lentils, nor lupines, nor 
any quadruped or animal, excepting some small dogs, and 
the others, which look like large rats, or something be- 
tween a large rat and a rabbit, and are very good and 
savoury for eating, and have feet and paws like rats, and 
climb trees. The dogs are of all colours, — white, black, 
etc. There are lizards and snakes, but not many, for the 
Indians eat them, and think them as great a dainty 
as partridges are to the Castilians. The lizards are 
like ours in size, but different in shape, though, in a 
little island near the harbour called San Juan, where the 
squadron remained several days, a lizard was several 
times seen, as large round as a young calf, and as smooth 
as a lance ; and several times they attempted to kill it, 
but could not, on account of the thickness of the trees, 
and it fled into the sea. Besides eating lizards and 
snakes, these Indians devour all the spiders and worms 
that they find, so that their beastliness appears to exceed 
that of any beast." 

Modern investigation has thrown much light on 
the physical characteristics of the native inhabitants 
of the Lucayan or Bahama islands. Some years ago 
Ecker and Wyman studied the subject, and more 
recently Prof. W. K. Brooks has visited the islands 
and presented a memoir to the National Academy of 
Sciences on the peculiarities of the bones discovered 
in the course of his investigations. It is clearly estab- 
lished that the natives belonged to a large and well- 



150 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

developed race. Ecker found bones which he thought 
must have belonged to a race of giants. But Pro- 
fessor Brooks is of the opinion that they *'did not 
depart essentially from the Spanish average." His 
measurements showed that " The skulls are large, and 
about equal in size to the average modern civilized 
white skull." 

It is pathetic to reflect that this race was, in a few 
years, swept completely out of existence by the 
methods of the Spaniards. The annals of cruelty 
present no darker picture than that given us by Las 
Casas, who at the time was a sad witness of what was 
taking place. The five shiploads of slaves sent 
back by Columbus in the course of his second expe- 
dition was but the beginning of a policy which did 
not end till the six hundred islands of the Bahamas 
were completely depopulated. The work begun by 
the Admiral was completed by bloodhounds in less 
than a generation. The race perished, and may 
be said to have left only a single word as a monu- 
ment. The Spaniards took from them the word 
"hammock," and gave it to all the languages of 
western Europe. 

After Columbus returned to Isabella from St. 
Thomas he devoted himself for some days to put- 
ting the colony in order, preparatory to his own 
departure on a further voyage of discovery. Second 
only to the desire of Ferdinand and Isabella for gold, 
was their wish that Columbus should devote himself, 
as far as possible, to further discoveries. This dispo- 
sition, so perfectly in accord with the enterprising 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 151 

spirit of the Admiral, was fostered by a common 
jealousy of the Portuguese ; for while the ships of 
Columbus, after going westward, were exploring what 
they supposed to be the islands of the East, the 
fleets of John II. of Portugal were making their way 
toward India by going eastward. The more rapidly, 
therefore, each nation could advance, the more of the 
" much-coveted lands " each nation would hereafter 
be able to claim. Acting in accordance with this 
impulse and policy, Columbus was determined to leave 
the garrisons at Isabella and St. Thomas, and, with 
a sufficient crew, proceed to explore and plant his 
standards on what he confidently supposed to be the 
continent. 

This purpose was in many respects unfortunate ; 
for the garrisons were in no condition to be intrusted 
with the independent working out of their own des- 
tiny. There was wellnigh universal discontent. It 
is easy to imagine the condition of affairs. Sickness 
everywhere prevailed. The encampments — for they 
were little else — were, as we must not forget, made up 
of men of all ranks and stations. Some were hidalgos, 
some were men who had been attached to the court, 
some were common labourers ; but all men, high and 
low, were obliged to labour with their hands, under 
regulations that were strictly enforced. Many had 
joined the expedition in the belief that they would 
find gold in abundance ; but now they found sickness 
and hardships of the most exacting kind. These 
discontents found expression at length in a mutinous 
spirit that threatened to seize the ships and leave 



152 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

Columbus alone to his fate. The chief mutineer, 
Bernald Diaz, was seized and sent for trial to Spain. 
But the disappointments were so numerous and so 
intense that many members of the expedition, espe- 
cially those high in rank, thinking that Columbus had 
deceived them, not only charged him with all their 
discomforts, but even showed a relentless disposition 
to pursue him to his ruin. It was with this state of 
affairs, impending or actually in existence, that Co- 
lumbus, on the 24th of April, 1494, hoisted sail for 
Cuba and the other lands in the west. His brother 
Diego was left in command at Isabella. 

On approaching the easternmost point of Cuba the 
fleet turned to the left, with the intention of exploring 
the southern coast, instead of the northern, as the Ad- 
miral had done in the first voyage. Bernaldez, who 
probably often talked the matter over with Columbus, 
distinctly tells us that it was the object of the Admiral 
to find the province and city of Cathay. The naive 
and confident statement of this historian is worthy of 
note, for it doubtless reflected the belief entertained by 
Columbus till the day of his death. Bernaldez says : 
"This province is in the dominion of the Grand 
Kahn, and, as described by John de Mandeville and 
others who have seen it, is the richest province 
in the world, and the most abundant in gold and 
silver and other metals, and silks. The people are 
all idolaters, and are a very acute race, skilled in 
necromancy, learned in all the arts and courtesies ; 
and of this place many marvels are written, which 
may be found in the narrative of the noble English 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 153 

knight, John de Mandeville, who visited the coun- 
try, and Hved for some time with the Grand Kahn." 
And then, after stating how it was that, in his 
opinion, Columbus missed his mark, he says : " And 
so I told him, and made him know and under- 
stand, in the year 1496, when he first returned to 
Castile after this expedition, and when he was my 
guest, and left with me some of his papers in the 
presence of Juan de Fonseca. . . . From these pa- 
pers," he continues, " I have drawn and have com- 
pared them with others, which were written by that 
honourable gentleman, the Doctor Chanca, and other 
noble gentlemen who came with the Admiral in the 
voyages already described." 

Bernaldez also tells us that Columbus at first sup- 
posed the land, which he called Juana, but which the 
natives called Cuba, to be an island, and that it was 
not until he had made a voyage along the coast 
that he inferred confidently that it was the mainland. 
To the questions of the Admiral on this subject, the 
Indians were able to give no satisfactory answer; 
" for," says Bernaldez, " they are a stupid race, who 
think that all the world is an island, and do not know 
what a continent is." 

The westward sail was continued, with some inter- 
ruptions, from the ist of May till the 12th of June, 
without any occurrence sufficiently remarkable to 
require extended notice. One statement of excep- 
tional interest, however, is made by the writer already 
so frequently quoted. Bernaldez says that '' at this 
point it occurred to the Admiral that, if he should be 



154 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

prospered, he might succeed in returning to Spain by 
the East, going to the Ganges, thence to the Arabian 
Gulf, by land, from Ethiopia to Jerusalem and to 
Joppa, whence he might embark on the Mediterra- 
nean, and arrive at Cadiz." Although, in the opinion 
of the narrator, this passage would be possible, he says 
it would be very perilous ; " for from Ethiopia to Jeru- 
salem, the inhabitants are all Moors." He rightly 
inferred that so near the close of the Moorish wars, 
the Spaniards would do well not to intrust themselves 
to the vicissitudes of a journey through Arabia. 

On the 1 2 th of June the mutinous spirit of the 
crew was so general that the Admiral decided to turn 
back. It is easy to understand that he did so with 
great reluctance. He had determined to reach the 
continent, and if possible go to Cathay, the home 
of that luxury and wealth which had so excited the 
readers of John de Mandeville. Would he now return 
and confess to failure? In order to answer this 
question, he resorted to a device that must ever 
remain as a conspicuous stigma, not only upon his 
character, but also upon his good sense. He resolved 
to establish a geographical fact by a certificate under 
oath. He drew up the eighty men of his crew, and 
required them to swear before a notary that it was 
possible to go from Cuba to Spain by land. Accord- 
ingly, it was solemnly sworn that Cuba was a part of 
the mainland, — that is to say, Cathay ; and it was 
further ordered that if any sceptic should deny this 
important fact, he should be fined ten thousand mara- 
vedis. If any lack of faith in this great geographical 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 155 

fact should disclose itself on the part of any common 
sailor, the culprit, as he would, of course, not have 
the money, was to have a hundred lashes, and then 
be incapacitated for further lying by having his tongue 
pulled out. 

In the course of this voyage, Columbus made many 
discoveries, among them the island of Jamaica and 
the group known as the Garden of the Queen. 
Among these islands the ships often ran aground, and 
the difficulties of navigation were such that for many 
days the Admiral is said to have secured no sleep 
whatever. At length, however, an unconquerable 
drowsiness and illness came on, which left him help- 
less in the hands of the crew. Taking advantage 
of this situation, the mariners turned the ships 
toward Isabella, where they arrived, after an absence 
of more than five months, on the 29th of September. 
The fruits of the voyage were several discoveries 
of important islands, and a further and wider knowl- 
edge of the characteristics of the natives. There 
was, however, no clew to any gold mines or other re- 
sources that might be profitably taken back to Spain. 

The illness of Columbus continued during five 
months after his return to Isabella. It was fortu- 
nate that in the course of his voyage of exploration 
the colony was visited by his brother Bartholomew. 
But affairs were in a sad state of confusion. During 
the absence of the Admiral, everything had seemed 
to contribute to a general disorganization. This un- 
fortunate state of the colony was partly owing to 
a very injudicious order issued by Columbus, and 



I $6 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

partly to the unwise methods of administration that 
had prevailed during his absence. 

Columbus before going away had ordered the mili- 
tary commander, Margarite, to put himself at the 
head of four hundred men and go through the 
country for the twofold purpose of obtaining pro- 
visions and of impressing upon the natives a further 
respect for Spanish power. Of the instructions given 
there were only two provisions that seem to have 
been important. In the first place, they were to 
obtain provisions, — by purchase, if possible, if not, by 
any other means ; and secondly, they were to cap- 
ture, either by force or artifice, Caonabo and his 
brothers. 

Fernando Columbus tells us that Margarite, in- 
stead of striving to overrun and reduce the island, 
took his soldiers into the great plain known as the 
Royal Vega, and there gave them up to all forms of 
wanton excesses. But he soon fell into disputes with 
the council instituted by the Admiral. After sending 
its members insolent letters, and finding that he could 
not reduce them to obedience, he went aboard one of 
the first ships that came from Spain, and sailed for 
home. This he appears to have done without giving 
any account of himself, or leaving any direction in re- 
gard to his command. "Upon this," says Fernando, 
" every one went away among the Indians wherever he 
thought fit, taking away their goods and their women, 
and committing such outrages that the Indians re- 
solved to be revenged on those they found alone or 
straggling; so that the cacique had killed ten, and 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 157 

privately ordered a house to be fired in which were 
eleven sick." The same authority further states that 
" Most of the Christians committed a thousand inso- 
lences, for which they were mortally hated by the 
Indians, who refused to submit to them." 

Such was the condition of affairs on the return of 
Columbus. All was in such confusion that the very 
existence of the colony was threatened with the fate 
that had overtaken La Navidad ; and it was for es- 
sentially the same cause. The weakness of Mar- 
garite and his subsequent desertion of his command 
had thrown the garrison into anarchy, and given it 
up to the unbridled indulgence of the most provoking 
and offensive excesses. Fernando Columbus him- 
self says of the Indians that in consequence of the 
** thousand insolences " of the Christians, " it was no 
difficult matter for them all to agree to cast off the 
Spanish yoke." That the provocation was chargeable 
to the Spaniards is admitted both by Don Fernando 
and by Las Casas. But the fact that the invaders 
had brought this threatening condition of affairs upon 
themselves can hardly be thought to have lessened 
the obligations of Columbus. What he was now 
confronted with was a condition, not a theory as to 
how that condition had been brought about. In 
order to save the colony from immediate and per- 
haps fatal disaster, he was obliged to act without 
hesitation. 

While Caonabo was threatening the garrison at 
St. Thomas, another of the caciques, Gustignana by 
name, approached with a large force to within two 



158 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

days' march of Isabella. It is even said that his 
army consisted of a hundred thousand men. Co- 
lumbus was able to muster a hundred and sixty Span- 
ish foot, twenty horsemen, and as many bloodhounds. 
The force was divided into two battalions, one being 
under the command of the Admiral himself, and the 
other under that of his brother Bartholomew. The 
Spaniards were clad in armour, while the natives had 
only their naked bodies to oppose to the ferocity of 
the bloodhounds and the cross-bows and musketry 
of the invaders. At the first onset the Indians were 
thrown into confusion, and a terrible carnage ensued. 
Vast numbers were either killed outright or torn by 
the dogs ; while others, perhaps less fortunate, were 
taken prisoners, to be sent to Spain as slaves. The 
force of the Indians was completely broken up and 
dispersed ; but Caonabo, who was besieging St. 
Thomas, was still at large. 

This Carib chieftain was very naturally a source of 
great anxiety to the Admiral. He had been defeated 
by Ojeda ; but he was still at the head of a formidable 
force, and his own intrepidity and skill made him 
a constant object of dread. Columbus determined 
to secure him by treachery. Ojeda was selected to 
carry out this purpose ; and the instructions given 
by the Admiral were base and treacherous in the 
extreme. The wily Spanish officer was to beguile 
the Indian chieftain to a friendly interview ; and thus, 
having thrown him off his guard, was to put him in , 
irons and escape with him to the Spanish garrison. 
The Admiral's plan was carried out. 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 159 

The accounts of this ignoble transaction, as given 
by Las Casas and the later historians of the time, 
do not differ in essential particulars, though there are 
differences in unimportant details. The authorities, 
moreover, are not agreed as to the time when this 
daring exploit occurred. Herrera says that it took 
place before the great battle, almost immediately 
after the return of Columbus from Cuba. Attribut- 
ing the design to the Admiral, this historian says, 
" He contrived to send Alonzo de Ojeda with only 
nine Spaniards, under colour of carrying a present." 
According to the same authority, the capture took 
place about sixty or seventy leagues from Isabella. 
Herrera's account is graphic and circumstantial. 
Other authorities tell us that it was the last act re- 
quired to reduce the island into subjection. But the 
precise date is not important. Las Casas, who vis- 
ited the island six years after the event took place, 
and received his information on the spot, has pre- 
served the account which has generally been followed 
by the subsequent annalists and historians. 

It is not difficult to understand how the friendly 
relations which at first prevailed between the Span- 
iards and the Indians were gradually converted into 
distrust, and finally into deadly hostility. For this 
change the Spaniards must ever be held responsible. 
All the original accounts agree that the natives of 
Hispaniola were remarkable alike for their gentle- 
ness, their friendliness, and their generosity, and that 
they looked upon the Spaniards as superior beings 
that had descended from heaven. The son of the 



l6o CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

Admiral himself tells us that as time passed on, the 
Spaniards were guilty of " a thousand insolences, espe- 
cially to the Indian women." We have already seen 
how Columbus sent home five shiploads of inoffen- 
sive natives of Hispaniola to be sold in the Spanish 
markets. ' 

It was easy now for the invaders to go one step 
farther in this process of subjugation. The capture 
of Caonabo had removed the last serious obstacle 
to a complete control of the island. Fernando 
tells us that the country now became so peaceable 
that *' one single Christian went safely wherever he 
pleased." Supreme power was now in the hand of 
the Admiral, and he determined to make use of it 
in the interest of that great object of his expedition 
which as yet had been completely unsuccessful. 

In order that the call for gold might at length be 
gratified, he determined to impose a tribute on all 
the population of the island. The matter was thus 
provided for : Every Indian above fourteen years 
old who was in the vicinity of the mines was required 
to pay every three months a little bellful of gold, 
and to take for it a brass or tin token, and to wear 
this about the neck, as a receipt or evidence that 
payment had been made. All persons not living in 
the vicinity of the mines were every three months 
to pay twenty-five pounds of cotton. 

When this order was issued, the natives were 
thrown into something like despair. They asserted 
that they knew not how to collect the gold, and that 
the gathering of so large an amount would be impos- 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. i6l 

sible. The cacique of the Royal Vega tried to per- 
suade the Admiral to modify the order. He offered 
to convert the whole of the Royal Vega, stretching 
from Isabella to the sea on the opposite shore,^into 
a huge farm, which would supply the whole of Castile 
with bread, on condition that the tribute in gold 
should be relaxed ; but Columbus would not accept 
the proposition, as he wished to collect such objects 
of value as he could take back to Spain. 

It was found impossible to enforce the require- 
ments imposed. The gold in requisite amounts could 
not be found. Columbus was therefore obliged to 
modify his demands. In some instances the amounts 
called for were lessened ; in some the nature of the 
demand was modified; in others service was ac- 
cepted in place of tribute. 

As time passed on, it was found that personal ser- 
vice was the only form of tax that could readily be 
enforced ; and, accordingly, more and more the na- 
tives were driven into working the farms of the Span- 
ish settlements. As early as 1496 the fields of the 
Spaniards had come to be very generally tilled and 
harvested in this manner. Out of this form of taxa- 
tion grew the system of repartimie?itos, or eiico- 
miendas, as they were afterward called. In order 
to enforce the payment of such tributes as were re- 
quired, four forts in addition to those of Isabella and 
St. Thomas were built and equipped, at such points 
as would give most complete command and control 
of the island. 

It requires no very vivid imagination to enable one 

II 



1 62 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. . 

to understand the desperate situation into which the 
natives found they had been driven. They had en- 
joyed a roving independence and that ample leisure 
which is so dear to all the aboriginal inhabitants 
of the tropics. This pleasant life was now at an end ; 
the yoke of servitude was fastened upon them, and 
there was no prospect save in the thraldom of per- 
petual slavery. They were obliged to bend their 
bodies under the fervour of a tropical sun, either to 
raise food for their taskmasters, or to sift the sands 
of the streams for the shining grains of gold. Peter 
Martyr relates, with an unspeakable pathos, how their 
sorrows and sufferings wove themselves into doleful 
songs and ballads, and how with plaintive tunes and 
mournful voices they bewailed the servitude into 
which they had been thrown. 

At last they determined to avail themselves of a 
most desperate remedy. They observed how entirely 
dependent the Spaniards were upon such food as was 
supplied by the natives. They now agreed, by a 
general concert of action, not to cultivate the articles 
of food, and to destroy those already growing, in 
order by famine to starve the strangers or drive them 
from the island. This policy was carried into effect. 
They abandoned their homes, laid waste the fields, 
and withdrew to the mountains, where they hoped 
to subsist on roots and herbs. 

Although this policy produced some distress among 
the Spaniards, still they had the resources of home ; 
and it is certain that the suffering of the natives even 
from hunger was far greater than was the suffering of 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 163 

the invaders. The Spaniards pursued the Indians from 
one retreat to another, following them into caverns, 
pursuing them into thick forests, and driving them 
up mountain heights, until, worn out with fatigue and 
hunger, the wretched creatures gave themselves up 
without conditions to the mercy of their pursuers. 
After thousands of them had perished miserably 
through famine, fatigue, disease, and terror, the sur- 
vivors abandoned all opposition, and bent their necks 
despairingly to the yoke. 

While this pitiful state of affairs was taking place 
on the island, matters of equal significance and inter- 
est were occurring in Spain ; and it is now necessary 
that we turn our attention thither in order to under- 
stand the meaning of that disfavour into which 
Columbus was now rapidly drifting. 

Even after the second voyage was undertaken, 
there were not a few who ventured to declare that 
Columbus had been cruel and unjust to his subor- 
dinates, and that the assurances and promises by 
means of which the second fleet had been fitted out, 
were such as never could be fulfilled. The malcon- 
tents included persons high in royal favour ; and even 
Fonseca, who, as we have seen, had been made a 
special minister or secretary for the Indies, looked 
upon the Admiral with distrust, if not with positive 
disfavour. There was also about the royal court a 
nucleus of opposition consisting of members of the 
old nobility, who saw their own hereditary significance 
completely eclipsed by this untitled adventurer from 
abroad. Here, then, was a fertile soil ready to re- 



164 * CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

ceive any seed of accusation or complaint that might 
be brought back from the newly discovered lands. 
Such accusations and complaints were not long 
withheld. 

The provisions taken out on the second voyage 
were not abundant in amount, and many of them, as 
we have already seen, were spoiled or injured in the 
course of the passage. On reaching Hispaniola, and 
finding that the colony at La Navidad had perished, 
it became immediately evident that new supplies must 
be obtained. The Admiral was naturally reluctant 
to call upon the Government for further assistance. 
Although such a course was found to be absolutely 
necessary, the demand was made as small as possible, 
in the hope that a large portion of the articles 
needed could be either raised or bought on the 
island. In the interests of this policy the most rigor- 
ous methods were adopted to increase the productive 
force of the colony. In the building of Isabella, and 
in the tilling of the fields, many a delicate hand that 
had never touched an implement of industry was now 
forced into manual labour. It is not necessary to in- 
quire whether Columbus enforced his rule with impo- 
litic or unnecessary rigour. It is certain, however, 
that discontents became rife, that these soon grew to 
formidable proportions and finally ripened into a 
mutinous determination to throw off the Admiral's 
authority. By good fortune, Columbus discovered 
the mutinous intent before the final outbreak; but 
the purpose was so widespread, and embraced within 
its plans so many of the officers high in command, 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 165 

that he felt obliged, not only to put the leaders in 
irons, but also to transfer all the guns, ammunition, 
and naval stores to his own ship. Herrera tells us 
that " this was the first mutiny that occurred in the 
Indies," and that " it was the source of all the oppo- 
sition the Admiral and his successors met withal." 

But the suppression of the mutiny did not lessen 
the discontents. One of the authorities says : " The 
better sort were obliged to work, which was as bad as 
death to them, especially having little to eat." The 
Admiral had recourse to force, and this deepened the 
ill-will. One of the priests, Father Boyle, took up 
the cause of the malcontents, and was loud in his 
accusations of cruelty. Herrera tells us that so many 
persons of distinction died of starvation and sickness 
that, long after Isabella was abandoned, " so many 
dreadful cries were heard in that place that people 
durst not go that way." 

Another cause of discontent was the fact that Co- 
lumbus placed so great authority in the hands of his 
brothers. Diego Columbus had attended the Admi- 
ral on his second voyage, and on arriving at Hispa- 
niola, was made second in command. The other 
brother, Bartholomew, reached the colony while the 
Admiral was exploring Cuba and Jamaica. Far abler 
and wiser than Diego, Bartholomew was at once, 
on the return of the Admiral, raised to the rank of 
Adelantado, or Lieutenant-Governor. Bartholomew 
is described as " somewhat harsh in his temper, very 
brave and free, for which some hated him." The 
Spanish hidalgos always looked upon Columbus as 



1 66 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

a foreigner, and the favour he showed his brothers 
only tended to deepen their discontents and multiply 
their complaints. 

Added to all other sources of dissatisfaction was 
the most potent fact of all, — that the amount of gold 
sent home as compared with what had been promised, 
was doubtful in quality and insignificant in amount. 
Indeed, the first assayer who accompanied the expe- 
dition even declared that the metal discovered was 
not gold, but only a base imitation. 

Such were the grounds of ill-feeling in the colony, 
and from time to time they were reported to friends 
in the mother-country. We have already seen how 
Don Pedro Margarite, when reproached by the council 
for not restraining the license of his soldiery, ignomin- 
iously threw down his command and sailed for home. 
Scarcely less important was the report carried home 
by Father Boyle, whose access to the spiritual advisers 
of the king and queen gave him peculiar facilities 
for poisoning the royal minds. Thus it was that 
complaints of every kind found ears that welcomed 
them. Herrera assures us concerning Don Margarite 
and Father Boyle that *' being come to the court, 
they gave an account that there was no gold in the 
Indies, and that all the Admiral said was mere sham 
and banter." 

The complaints at length became so numerous and 
so circumstantial that the monarchs felt obliged to 
institute a formal and responsible inquiry. The offi- 
cer chosen for this service was Don John Agnado, a 
groom of the bedchamber, who had accompanied 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 167 

Columbus on his first voyage, and had acquitted him- 
self with so much credit that the Admiral had espe- 
cially recommended his promotion. The appoint- 
ment was apparently an excellent one, and one that 
would commend itself to the favour of Columbus. 
Agnado, armed with credentials giving him ample 
authority, took four ships laden with provisions and 
sailed for the colonies, where he arrived in October, 

When the commissioner reached Hispaniola, he 
found that the Admiral was engaged in his campaign 
against the brothers of Caonabo. The garrison at 
Isabella was in charge of the Adelantado. Don 
Agnado at once made known his extraordinary power 
and authority by reproving some of the ministers and 
seizing others. After showing that he had no respect 
for the authority of Don Bartholomew, he put himself 
at the head of a troop of horse and foot, and began 
an advance into the interior for the purpose of going 
to the Admiral. This course had the natural effect 
on the garrison and on the islanders. The supposi- 
tion became general that a new governor had been 
appointed, and that he was about to seize his prede- 
cessor and perhaps even put him to death. The 
smothered discontents now burst forth into flames. 
Those who fancied themselves aggrieved by the rigour 
of the Admiral's rule, those who had found the life of 
adventure only a life of hardship, those who com- 
plained either of the wars or of the tribute, all the 
malcontents of every race and kind, now hastened to 
greet the new governor and to denounce the old. 



1 68 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

It was immediately evident that the authority of 
Columbus was in peril. On learning of the arrival of 
Don Agnado, he determined to return to Isabella, and 
there welcome the commissioner with the formality 
that was due to his royal errand. Accordingly, he 
received the letter of their Royal Highnesses with the 
sound of trumpets and with the greatest solemnity. 
But all this ceremony only seemed to add to the force 
of the commission itself. The authority of Don 
Agnado was vouched for by the following letter of the 
king and queen : — 

" Cavaliers, esquires, and other persons who by our 
command are in the Indies: We send you thither Juan 
Agnado, our Gentleman of the Chamber, who will speak 
to you on our part. We command that you give him faith 
and credence." 

The manner in which Agnado began to pursue his 
inquiries must have convinced Columbus that the tide 
of his fortune was turning. It became evident that 
the reports of Margarite and Boyle had poisoned pub- 
lic opinion about the court. The inquiries, more- 
over, produced a disquieting effect upon the natives. 
A number of caciques met at the headquarters of one 
of them, and determined to formulate their complaints 
of the Admiral and to pledge their loyalty to his suc- 
cessor. Columbus knew well that these facts would 
be duly reported by the commissioner. He deter- 
mined, therefore, at once to return to Spain, in order 
to represent his own cause at court. 

There was another reason why Columbus desired to 
appear before the sovereigns. By the royal charter 



THE SECOND VOYAGE. 169 

given before the first voyage, he was to be viceroy of all 
the lands he might discover, and was to have control 
of all matters of trade and immigration. But now 
Fonseca had violated this provision of the charter, by 
giving a number of licenses to private adventurers to 
trade in the new countries, independently of the Ad- 
miral. Columbus saw the evil that was impending, 
and desired to protest against the issue of such 
licenses. 

The Admiral's departure, however, was delayed by 
one of those terrible hurricanes which sometimes 
sweep across the West Indies. The four vessels 
brought by Don Agnado sank in the harbour, and 
there were remaining only the two caravels belong- 
ing to the Admiral. There was some further delay, 
moreover, by the report that rich gold mines had 
been discovered near the southern coast. Investi- 
gations seemed to authenticate the report. The Ad- 
miral thought it best to establish a strong post in the 
vicinity of the mine, and so a fort was built which 
received the name of Saint Christopher. 

In the course of the winter months the other forts 
were put in a condition to make a strong resistance 
in case of revolt during the Admiral's absence. It 
was the loth of March, 1496, before he was ready to 
sail. The Adelantado was left in command at Isa- 
bella. The Admiral sailed on board the " Nina," while 
Agnado took passage on the other caravel. More 
than two hundred of the colonists returned with the 
Admiral, — some of them broken in health, some of 
them merely sick at heart. 



170 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

The voyage was one of numerous delays. A few 
days were spent in coasting along the Caribbean is- 
lands ; but even after they were well at sea, contrary 
winds prevailed and very slow progress was made. 
Provisions finally ran so low that they had to be doled 
out in pittances, and it is said that all the Admiral's 
authority was needed to prevent the ship's company 
from killing and eating the Carib prisoners who were 
on board. It was only after a voyage of three months' 
duration that the ships put into the Bay of Cadiz on 
the nth of June, 1496. 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 171 



CHAPTER V. 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 



The circumstances attending the disembarking of 
Columbus on his return after the second voyage were 
of a nature to emphasize rather than allay the popular 
opinion that had been aroused against him. Three 
years before, the expedition had gone out with the 
most joyous anticipations. Representatives of noble 
and gentle families had begged the privilege of going 
in the hope of easily finding either renown or fortune. 
All these expectations had been disappointed. A 
large proportion of those who had gone out had lost 
their lives ; many others remained to battle still longer 
with poverty, and perhaps even with hunger ; while 
the two hundred or more wretched creatures who now 
*' crawled out of the ships " told their tales of disas- 
trous experience to the eyes as well as to the ears of 
the people. It is related that Columbus himself was 
unshaven, and that he was clad with the robe and 
girdled with the cord of the Franciscans. 

On arriving at the port of Cadiz, the Admiral found 
three caravels on the point of sailing with provisions 
for the colony. Seeking an interview with the com- 
mander, he learned much in regard to the state of 



172 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

feeling that awaited him. In view of this information, 
he wrote a letter to the Adelantado, not only to ap- 
prise him of his own safe arrival, but a]so to urge him 
to endeavour by every possible means to bring the 
island into a peaceful and productive condition. He 
urged his brother to appease all discontents and com- 
motions, and to use the utmost diligence in explor- 
ing and working the mines that had recently been 
discovered. 

As soon as tidings of his arrival reached the sov- 
ereigns, they sent Columbus a letter congratulating 
him on his safe return, and inviting him to court. 
Accordingly, he at once made all necessary prepara- 
tions to go to Almazan, where the court was at that 
time established. Desiring to keep alive an interest 
in his discoveries, he made a studious display of the 
curiosities and treasures he had brought with him. 
As at the end of the first voyage, the people along 
the way showed great interest in the natives and in 
the products of the new islands. 

The king and queen, though temporarily absent, 
soon returned to Almazan, and gave him a gracious 
reception. It was evident that however much of ad- 
verse criticism they may have heard, they were dis- 
posed to hold in strict reserve any questionings they 
may have had in regard to the general wisdom of his 
administrative methods. 

Columbus gave a full account of his explorations 
in Cuba, and dwelt in detail upon the promises held 
forth by the gold mines recently discovered. If 
we may judge from its immediate consequences, we 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 173 

must infer that the report made a favourable and deep 
impression. 

The sovereigns even went so far as to give special 
and exceptional evidence of their approval. In April 
of 1497 they confirmed anew the commissions and 
hereditary privileges granted before the first voyage ; 
they confirmed and even made hereditary the ap- 
pointment of Bartholomew Columbus to the office of 
Adelantado, which at first had been criticised as an 
undue exercise of authority by the Admiral ; they 
promised to comply with his request for eight ships 
with which to complete his explorations and annex 
the mainland to their dominions. A little later the 
queen also appointed his son Fernando as a page. 

Other favours of a less personal nature were also 
freely granted. It was determined that there should 
be sent out on the new fleet three hundred and thirty 
men in the pay of the sovereigns. Others might be 
enlisted by the Admiral, on condition that their pay 
could be provided for in some other way. Those 
who volunteered to go without pay were to receive a 
third part of the gold they might get out of the mines, 
and nine tenths of all other products. The residue 
in both cases was to be turned over to the royal 
officers. The Admiral also obtained the privilege of 
transporting all criminals to the Indies, to serve there 
for a number of years. This exceedingly unwise and 
unfortunate provision, putting, as it did, the stamp of 
ignominy upon service in the colony, exerted a per- 
nicious influence, not only in preventing enlistments, 
but also in demoralizing future life in the colonies. 



174 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

These favours and promises by the sovereigns were 
more than Columbus had dared even to hope for. 
But notwithstanding the kind, if not the enthusiastic, 
favour of the sovereigns, the promises were not speedily 
to be fulfilled. There were several reasons why the 
furnishing of the ships was a matter of most annoying 
delay. During the long months of waiting, Columbus 
was under the roof of Andres Bernaldez, who turned 
to account many of his interviews v/ith the Admiral in 
his History of the Spanish Kings. Columbus left with 
Bernaldez several important documents which the 
historian made the basis of much of his History. It 
is from Bernaldez that we get the most definite ac- 
count of the temper and opposition of the people, 
as well as the grounds of their discontent. The 
whole may be expressed in the single word " disap- 
pointment." The cost of the expeditions had been 
very great, and the returns very small. A tradition has 
assumed the form of a popular belief that the gold 
brought back to Spain by this second expedition was 
so abundant that it was used to ornament palaces and 
gild cathedrals. But this belief must be discarded ; 
for we learn from Bernaldez that the gold brought 
back consisted mainly of personal ornaments. 

There were several causes for delay in fitting out 
the third expedition. Spain was now at war with 
France in regard to that vexed question which in- 
volved the suzerainty of Naples. Besides a powerful 
army in Italy under Gonzalo de Cordova, Spain was 
obliged to keep an army on her own frontier, which 
was threatened with an invasion from France. A 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 175 

Strong fleet had to be kept in the Mediterranean, and 
another was called for to defend the Atlantic coasts 
of the Spanish peninsula. But even these were not 
all. Ferdinand and Isabella, if not far-seeing, were 
far-reaching in their ambition to extend their interna- 
tional importance by judicious matrimonial alliances 
of their children. This was to be done, not simply 
by the marriage of Catherine of Aragon with Prince 
Henry of England, but also by the far more important 
double alliance with Austria. The arrangements for 
the Austrian nuptials were now complete, and a mag- 
nificent armada of a hundred and twenty ships, with 
twenty thousand persons on board, had been sent as a 
convoy of the Princess Juana to Flanders, where she 
was to marry Philip, the archduke of Austria, and 
bring back the Austrian Princess Margarita, who was 
to complete the double Austrian alliance by marrying 
Prince Juan. 

These several demands quite exhausted the mari- 
time resources of the Spanish Government. Delay 
therefore in the equipment of ships for the third 
expedition of Columbus was inevitable. But there 
were also other reasons that emphasized and rein- 
forced the same tendencies. The affairs of the In- 
dian Office, after once having been sequestered, had 
now been restored to the control of Fonseca. For a 
time they had been transferred to the direction of 
Antonio de Torres ; but in consequence of high and 
unreasonable demands, he had been removed from 
office, and Fonseca, the Bishop of Badajoz, had been 
reinstated. Fonseca had never been actively helpful 



176 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

to Columbus, and as time had passed on, what at first 
had an air of indifference, 'gradually changed to 
ill-concealed enmity. In the position to which he 
had now been reinstated it was easy for him to im- 
pede, if not frustrate, all the navigator's plans. The 
delay became intolerable. In the spring of 1498, 
Columbus, after nearly two years had elapsed since 
his second return, presented a direct appeal to the 
queen, making urgent representations of the misery 
to which the colonists had been reduced. The ap- 
peal was successful ; two ships with supplies for the 
colony were despatched early in February, 1498. 

The fitting-out of the vessels that were to be com- 
manded by Columbus himself was retarded by many 
very annoying conditions. Fonseca seemed deter- 
mined to throw every obstacle in his way. It was 
everywhere evident, moreover, that the popular favour 
in which the Admiral had been more or less generally 
held was fast slipping away. At one time he thought 
of abandoning the enterprise altogether ; and in one 
of his letters he intimates that he was restrained 
from doing so only by his unwillingness to disoblige 
or disappoint the queen. 

Of the various annoyances that occurred, there 
were two that are worthy of note. The sovereigns 
ordered six million maravedis to be set apart for the 
equipment of the new expedition. But soon after 
the arrival of the three caravels of slaves in the 
autumn of 1495, word was circulated that the fleet 
was freighted with bars of gold. The report had so 
much influence on the sovereigns that they revoked 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 177 

their order for six million maravedis, and directed 
that the necessary money for the new expedition 
should be taken from the gold brought home. What 
was the chagrin of Columbus and of all his friends 
to find that what was only a wretched joke of one 
of the ship's commanders had been taken in seri- 
ous earnest even by Ferdinand and Isabella. When 
the truth came to be known, it was found that the 
bars of gold were only slaves kept behind bars, with 
the design of converting them into gold in the 
market of Seville. It is not difficult to imagine the 
indignation of Isabella when the truth came to be 
known. The other affair alluded to was the per- 
sonal altercation that occurred between Columbus 
and Breviesca, the treasurer* of Fonseca. The very 
day when the squadron was about to embark, Colum- 
bus was assailed in so insolent a manner by this offi- 
cial that he lost his self-control, and not only struck 
his accuser to the ground, but kicked him in his 
paroxysm of rage. As to the extent of the provoca- 
tion. Las Casas, who relates the anecdote, leaves us 
in doubt ; but the influence of such a spectacle could 
hardly have been favourable to the Admiral. 

It was the 30th day of May, 1498, before the expe- 
dition was ready to sail. The fleet, consisting of six 
ships loaded with provisions and other necessaries for 
the planters in Hispaniola, was detained at the Ca- 
nary and Cape de Verde islands until the 5 th of July. 
From the island of Ferro Columbus decided to send 
three of the vessels to Hispaniola, and to sail in a more 
southerly direction with the rest, for the purpose of 

12 



1 78 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

making further discoveries. He designed to make the 
course southwest until they should reach the equinoc- 
tial line, and then to take a course due west. But the 
currents flowed so strongly toward the north, and the 
heat was so severe, that this purpose was abandoned 
before they reached the equator. Fernando, with char- 
acteristic exaggeration, says that " had it not rained 
sometimes, and the sun been clouded, he thought 
they would have been burned alive, together with the 
ships, for the heat was so violent that nothing could 
withstand it." Las Casas, who had other sources of 
authentic information besides the narrative of Colum- 
bus, declares that but for this heat and the fact that 
the vessels were becalmed eight days, the Admiral 
would have taken a course so far to the south that 
the fleet would have been carried to the coast of 
Brazil. Be this as it may, the effect of the tempera- 
ture on the men and on the provisions was such that 
on the last day of July the Admiral, thinking they 
were now south of the Caribbean islands, resolved to 
abandon their course and make for Hispaniola. Sail- 
ing toward the northwest one day, the man at the 
lookout descried land to the westward, which, because 
of the three mountains that arose above the horizon, 
Columbus called Trinidad. This discovery led to a 
little delay. Cruising about the island for a consider- 
able time without finding a harbour, he came to deep 
soundings near Point Alcatraz, where he decided to 
take in water and make such repairs as the shrinkage 
of the timbers had made necessary. From the point 
where they now were, the low lands about the mouth 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 179 

of the Orinoco were plainly visible ; and the inci- 
dent is memorable because, notwithstanding the asser- 
tion of Oviedo that Vespucius anticipated Columbus 
in reaching the mainland, it was probably here that 
the Spaniards obtained the first sight of the western 
continent. It was on the ist day of xA.ugust, 1498, — 
two months and ten days after Vasco da Gama had 
cast anchor in the bay of Calicut. 

After necessary delays the little fleet resumed its 
westerly course. Although in his letter to the Span- 
ish court, the Admiral gives a graphic account of 
the rush of waters from the Orinoco, he seems not 
at first to have suspected that he was in sight of 
the mainland. The waters delivered to the ocean 
by this river came with such impetuous force that 
they seemed to produce a ridge along the top of 
which the squadron was borne at a furious rate into the 
Gulf of Paria. " Even to-day," wrote Columbus, " I 
shudder lest the waters should have upset the vessel 
when they came under its bows." We now know 
that the tumult of the waters was very largely the 
result of the African current wedging in between 
the island of Trinidad and the mainland, and form- 
ing that stupendous flow which on emerging from the 
Caribbean Sea is known as the Gulf Stream. 

In sailing along the coast the Admiral met with 
nothing but friendly treatment from the natives. 
The region at the left of the Gulf of Paria he called 
Gracia. At length the immense volume of waters 
passing through the mouths of the Orinoco led him 
to surmise that the land he had been calling an island 



i8o CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

was in fact the continent. Holding this conjecture 
with increasing confidence, he was unwiUing to give 
any considerable time to further exploration ; and 
accordingly, after passing through what he called 
the Boca del Drago, or Dragon's Mouth, he sailed 
directly for Hispaniola. His departure was hastened 
by the desire, not only of landing the stores he had 
in charge, but also of learning the truth in regard to 
the reports of disturbance among the colonists that 
had reached vSpain before his embarkation. 

Before following him, however, to the unhappy 
colony, it may not be out of place to make note of a 
few of his reflections, as recorded in his own words. 
There is nothing in the life of Columbus more in- 
teresting than his letter to the court describing this 
third voyage, and commenting on the various phe- 
nomena which he observed. The minute and inge- 
nious details of this letter not only show how easily he 
was captivated by delusions, but they also throw a 
flood of light on his general habit of mind. It is 
impossible to quote the letter at length, but a few 
of his conclusions may not be omitted. 

In remarking that Ptolemy and all the other ancient 
writers regarded the earth as spherical, he says that 
they had had no opportunity of observing the region 
he was now exploring, and that in consequence 
they had fallen into error. To his mind it was clear 
that the form of the earth was not globular, but pear- 
shaped, and that the form of a pear about the stem 
was the form of the earth in the region he had dis- 
covered. He had at all times noted a marked change 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. i8i 

in the temperature on crossing the one hundredth 
meridian. The north star also perceptibly changed 
its relative position in regard to the horizon at this 
point. The deflection of the needle here changed from 
five degrees to the east to as many degrees to the west. 
The waters of the great river flowing into the Gulf of 
Paria could hardly come with a tumultuous volume for 
any other reason. As they sailed away from this re- 
gion, they were so rapidly descending that they easily 
made sixty-five leagues in a day, which they could 
hardly have done on an ascending or a level sea. 

It was his opinion, moreover, derived from numer- 
ous considerations, that the point at the stem of the 
pear represented the garden of Paradise. " I do not 
suppose," he writes, " that the earthly Paradise is in 
the form of a rugged mountain, as the descriptions 
of it have made it appear, but that it is on the sum- 
mit of the spot which I have described as being in 
the form of the neck of a pear. The approach to 
it from a distance must be by a constant and gradual 
ascent ; but I believe that, as I have already said, no 
one could ever reach the top. I think also that the 
water I have described may proceed from it, though 
it be far ofl*, and that stopping at the place I have just 
left, it forms this lake." He further states : " There 
are great indications of this being the terrestrial para- 
dise, for its site coincides with the opinion of the 
holy and wise theologians whom I have mentioned." 

The speculations of Columbus in regard to the 
currents of the ocean and their effects on the shape 
of the islands are interesting ; but they are important 



l82 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

only as revealing the observing and generalizing habit 
of his mind. His remarks on the characteristics of 
the natives are more important. Their superior in- 
telligence and courage, as well as their lighter colour, 
and even their long, smooth hair, he attributes to the 
mildness of the climate, occasioned by the altitude of 
this portion of the pear-shaped earth. 

Resuming the general course of his voyage toward 
the northwest, after pausing for a time at Margarita 
he arrived at the harbour of San Domingo on the 
30th of August, 1798. 

In order to understand the condition of affairs on 
the arrival of the Admiral, it is necessary to call atten- 
tion briefly to the history of the island during the two 
years of his absence. 

We find that early in the administration of the 
Adelantado he sent to Spain three hundred slaves 
from Hispaniola. As these were represented as hav- 
ing been taken while they were kilHng Christians, this 
disposition of them seems not to have met with any 
insurmountable disfavour. Indeed, the sovereigns had 
given orders that all those who should be found guilty 
should be sent to Spain. The way was thus opened 
for an iniquitous traffic by a royal order that simply 
provided for an inevitable flexibility of interpretation 
under an imperfect administration of justice. There 
was no reason to anticipate that there would in the 
future be any insurmountable obstacle to a profitable 
exercise of the trade in slaves. Human nature, as it 
revealed itself in the fifteenth century, might well be 
trusted to find the means. 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 183 

The order, already alluded to, authorizing judges 
to transport criminals to the Indies, had already begun 
to exert its baleful influence ; and a still more per- 
nicious result came from the further edict giving an 
indulgence to such criminals as should go out at their 
own expense and serve under the Admiral. The pro- 
visions of this edict, which must have been recom- 
mended by Columbus himself, could hardly have 
been more ingeniously framed for the purpose of 
bringing the greatest harm to the colony. They 
not only made all labour disreputable, but they drew 
into the colonies the worst classes of criminals. 
Those to whom an indulgence was most desirable, 
were the very men who had committed the most 
flagrant crimes ; and these were the persons that most 
eagerly accepted the opportunity. Three years later, 
when Columbus was under accusation, he excused 
the acts complained of by referring to the badness of 
the men who were allowed to go out under this edict ; 
but he did not call attention to the fact that the edict 
was one which he himself had recommended. Of 
these he said, with unwonted emphasis : " I swear 
that numbers of men have gone to the Indies who 
did not deserve water from God or man." The col- 
ony as made up in 1493 was not of a nature to bear 
with impunity such an influx of rascality. 

Another royal order that contributed not a little to 
the future turbulence of the islands was the one 
which provided for what are known as the reparfi- 
mientos. This edict was also issued in 1497, and it 
authorized the Admiral to give in the most formal 



1 84 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

way any of the lands discovered to any Spaniard, with 
all rights *' to hold, to sell, to traffic with, and to 
alienate and to do with it and in it all that he likes 
or may think good." 

Here, then, was introduced an ingenious instru- 
ment of interminable discord. The ill effects of 
these several edicts were not mitigated by the meth- 
ods of government pursued by the Adelantado ; but, 
on the contrary, Don Bartholomew was so unwise as 
to contribute in many ways to the prevaihng dissatis- 
faction and turbulence. 

Before the Admiral had sailed for home, as we 
have already seen, gold mines had been discovered 
near the southern coast of the island. He had 
promptly reported the discovery and had recom- 
mended the opening of the mines and the estab- 
lishment of a port at no remote distance. The 
recommendations were favorably received by the 
monarchs, and the captain of the fleet which Colum- 
bus met as he was entering the bay of Cadiz was 
the bearer of the letter of approval. The Admiral, 
on receiving this letter, at once wrote to his brother, 
ordering him to begin work at once to carry out the 
royal pleasure in regard to the mines and the estab- 
lishment of a port on the southern coast of the island. 
He also directed him to spare no pains to conciliate 
all the adverse interests and bind them into harmo- 
nious unity of purpose. 

Don Bartholomew on receiving this letter at once 
proceeded southward and fixed upon the mouth of 
the river Ozama as the site of the new port. Send- 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 185 

ing for artisans and labourers, he at once began the 
building of a fortress which he named San Domingo, 
and which afterward gave its name to the chief port 
and city of the island. The purpose of the Admiral 
and of his brother seems to have been ultimately to 
abandon Isabella and to establish in the new town on 
the southern coast the seat of government of the 
colony. In accordance with this design, Don Bar- 
tholomew planned to transport to the southern coast 
all of the working population at Isabella excepting 
so many as were necessary to complete the two cara- 
vels now in process of construction. 

Scarcely was the building of the new port and 
town fairly undertaken when the Adelantado became 
involved in what seems to have been a most needless 
and disastrous undertaking. No one of the early 
authorities gives any justifiable reason for the enter- 
prise. The brief statement of Herrera has the ad- 
vantage of clearness, and is perhaps as trustworthy 
as any other. His language is : " The work having 
begun, Don Bartholomew resolved to view the king- 
dom of Behechio, called Xaragua, of whose state 
and government and of whose sister Anacaona he 
had heard so much talk." That this intimation con- 
cerning Anacaona is not altogether gratuitous may be 
inferred from numerous statements in the original 
authorities. Fernando Columbus, in explaining why 
his uncle wished to establish himself in Xaragua, 
gives several reasons touching climate, soil, etc., and 
then adds : " But above all, because the women were 
the handsomest and of the most pleasing conversa- 



1 86 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

tion of any." It is a deplorable fact, but one that 
can hardly be ignored, that the motives here ascribed 
to Don Bartholomew were a constant element, not 
only of distrust and hatred in all the relations of the 
Spaniards with the natives, but also a constant ele- 
ment of danger and depletion.* 

The expedition into Xaragua — a province situated 
in the western portion of the island — was fraught with 
many new complications. The. cacique Behechio at 
first seemed disposed to offer a spirited and warlike 
resistance. But on receiving the assurance that the 
mission was a friendly one, for the purpose of paying 
respect to himself and his sister, he adopted the 
policy of welcoming the Adelantado in the most 
friendly manner. Don Bartholomew, with his sol- 
diers, was thus admitted to the very heart of the 
kingdom. It was now easy for him to complete his 
errand by imposing tribute. Behechio answered that 
tribute would be impossible, as there was no gold 
within his kingdom ; whereupon the lieutenant de- 
clared that he would be content to receive tribute 
in the products of the territory. On these conditions 
and in this manner it was that the suzerainty of the 
Spaniards was established over the western portion 
of the island. 

1 Fernando Columbus, in describing the condition of the 
colony on the return of the Admiral, says . " Perciocche gran 
parte della gente, da lui lasciatavi, era gia morta, e degli altri 
ve n' erano piu di cento sessanta ammalati di mal Francese " 
(Vita di Christoforo Colombo, descritta da Ferdinando, sue 
figlio, Londra, 1867, cap. Ixxiii. p. 239). 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 187 

On returning to Isabella, Don Bartholomew had 
found a deplorable state of affairs. During his ab- 
sence more than three hundred of the colonists had 
died of various diseases. Among the living, more- 
over, discontents were universal. He distributed the 
sick among the various forts and friendly Indian vil- 
lages in the vicinity, and then set out for San Do- 
mingo, collecting tribute by the way. In all these 
energetic proceedings he constantly augmented the 
accumulations of ill-will, not only on the part of the 
Spaniards, but also on that of the natives. The 
islanders needed only an occasion and a leader to 
ignite them into a general conflagration ; and neither 
was long wanting. The authorities do not quite 
agree as to the exact time when the outburst took 
place ; but the matter of a precise date is not im- 
portant. Of the fact itself there seems no room 
for doubt. 

There was everywhere complaint on the part of 
the natives of the tribute imposed upon them ; and 
nothing but the hopelessness of the situation had pre- 
vented them so long from a general attempt to throw 
off their hateful yoke. On the occasion of this last 
tribute several of the minor chiefs complained to the ' 
cacique Guarionex, and urged a general rising of the 
Indians. This cacique was greatly respected for his 
intelligence, as well as for his prudence and his cour- 
age. Though well aware of the power of the Span- 
iards, he finally consented to put himself at the head 
of a general revolt. A battle ensued, in which the 
Spaniards, as usual, were successful, taking Guarionex 



l88 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

and many other important persons captive. The 
Adelantado ordered the movers in the insurrection 
to be put to death ; but he thought it pohtic and 
prudent to dehver Guarionex up to his people. 

Having thus settled the revolt in the centre of the 
island, and hearing that the tribute of Behechio was 
ready for him, Don Bartholomew left the region be- 
tween Isabella and San Domingo in the control of 
his brother Diego, and took his departure for the 
west to visit Xaragua. But the occasion of his going 
•was the signal for further revolt. Now, however, he 
had to confront an insurrection, not of the Indians, 
but of the Spaniards themselves. 

Before the Admiral had left Hispaniola for Spain 
in 1496, he appointed Francis Roldan chief justice 
of the island. This officer was endowed with an 
arrogant and turbulent temper, and it soon became 
apparent that there were abundant causes of friction 
between him and the Adelantado. Disagreement be- 
tween the executive and judicial authorities is always 
more or less liable to occur in primitive governments ; 
and although the chief authority must have been in 
the hands of the governor, it is probable that their 
functions were never very clearly defined. Roldan 
early began to show signs of a restive spirit, which 
waxed stronger and stronger until it broke forth into 
open defiance. By a watchful seizing of opportuni- 
ties for encouraging the complaints of the people, 
and by ingeniously declaring how the methods of rule 
ought to be modified, he had no difficulty in attach- 
ing to him a formidable party. The absence of Don 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. "'^g 

Bartholomew and the weakness of Don Diego now 
afforded him an opportunity. Fernando Colurnbus 
gives details of Roldan's plan to assassinate the Ade- 
fantado and then make himself master of the island. 
He was to await the return of Don Bartholomew to 
Isabella, and then, having put him to death, was 
to proclaim himself chief ruler of the island. The 
Adelantado, however, received tidings of the insur- 
rection before reaching Isabella, and so put him- 
self on his guard. But no effort to bring Rojdan 
to terms was successful. The leader of the rebe lion 
had secured a numerous following, both of natives 
and of Spaniards ; and the consequence was that for 
months the island was kept in such turbulence that 
no progress could be made either in working the 
mines or in building the new city. 

The two vessels which the Admiral sent out with 
provisions arrived in the spring of 1498. The same 
ships brought the royal commission confirming the 
appointment of Don Bartholomew as Adelantado, or 
Lord Lieutenant, of the islands, and conveying the 
further information that the Admiral himself with a 
fleet of six ships, was soon to embark for the same 
destination. The commission was duly proclaimed, 
and on the strength of this confirmation of authority 
and the prospect of the speedy arrival of the Admiral, 
a new effort was made to bring Roldan to terms. 
But even this attempt was not successful. After 
ravaging considerable portions of the centre of the 
island, Roldan entered with his followers into the 
luxuriant regions of Xaragua, there to await coming 



I90 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

events. Though Roldan was not subdued, it is 
probable that the arrival of reinforcements saved 
the government of Don Bartholomew from complete 
destruction. 

In midsummer the three ships despatched by Co- 
lumbus from the Canaries with provisions arrived off 
the south coast of the island. Ignorant of the situa- 
tion of San Domingo, and carried by strong winds 
and currents in a westerly direction, they made their 
landing, as if adverse fates were in control, in the 
very territory held by Roldan. As if to give added 
significance to this misfortune, the captains decided 
that the labouring- men should go ashore, and make 
their way on foot to San Domingo. The result was 
that, according to Herrera, Roldan " easily persuaded 
them to stay with him, telling them at the same time 
how they would live with him, which was only going 
about from one town to another, taking the gold and 
what else they saw fit." 

Such was the condition of affairs when Christopher 
Columbus arrived on the 2 2d of August, 1498. It 
was not until some days later that the three caravels 
with supplies, after returning from Xaragua, reached 
the same port. In one of his letters, written a year 
later, Columbus says : " I found nearly half the colo- 
nists of Hispaniola in a state of revolt." 

The formidable extent of this insurrection is re- 
vealed, not only by the numbers that participated 
in it, but also by the spirit shown by those in revolt, 
as well as by those in authority. Neither Don Bar- 
tholomew nor the Admiral thought it prudent to 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 19 1 

move against Roldan and attempt to crush him by 
force. This hesitating prudence can only be ex- 
plained by the fear that such a movement would 
weaken rather than strengthen the colony ; and such 
a fear could be justified only by a very wide- spread 
and deep-seated spirit of dissatisfaction. Columbus 
evidently expected on his arrival to find that the 
revolt of Roldan had its root in a personal antipathy 
to the Adelantado, and that as soon as he should 
himself resume direct control of affairs, all discontent 
would subside. But in this he was bitterly disap- 
pointed. The Alcalde continued to maintain an 
attitude of stubborn defiance. Negotiations were 
entered into from time to time ; but they proceeded 
slowly, and only served to show the extent and the 
spirit of the party in revolt. 

It was while these perplexing events were taking 
place that Columbus sent back to Spain such of the 
ships as were not needed in the colonies. 

In November of 1498 an elaborate agreement was 
reached, the details of which reveal at once the 
weakness of Columbus and the strength of Roldan. 
It had all the characteristics of a treaty, in which 
every concession, except that of abandoning the island 
to the rebelHon, was made by the Admiral. Colum- 
bus agreed to furnish within fifty days two vessels 
for transporting the rebels to Spain, to furnish them 
with ample provisions for the voyage, to allow one 
slave, man or woman, to each of Roldan's men, to 
pledge his honour as a Spanish gentleman that he 
would do nothing to detain or obstruct the vessels, 



192 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

and to write to the sovereigns a letter designed to 
absolve Roldan and his men from all blame. 

But even this treaty, duly signed and sealed on the 
2 1 St of November, did not bring this painful history 
to an end. The vessels were not ready in time. It 
was the midsummer of the following year before 
Columbus had put the ships at the disposal of Roldan 
and his men. This may not have been the fault of 
the Admiral, but it furnished a least a pretext for 
abandoning the contract on the part of Roldan. His 
men seem to have been unwilHng to return to the re- 
straints of civilization, and it was necessary to begin 
negotiations on another basis. The settlement fi- 
nally agreed upon and signed on the 5th of November, 
1499, contained the four following provisions : First, 
that fifteen of Roldan's men should be sent to Spain 
in the first vessel that went ; secondly, that to those 
that remained, Columbus should give land and houses 
for their pay ; thirdly, that proclamation should be 
made that all that had happened had resulted from 
false reports and through the fault of bad men ; and 
fourthly, that Columbus should now appoint Roldan 
perpetual judge. The conditions of this agreement 
were fulfilled, and thus, after Columbus had put forth 
efforts extending over nearly a year and a half, the 
rebellion was brought to an end by a treaty that is 
a sad commentary on the condition of affairs in the 
island. 

But quiet was not yet by any means to be restored. 
No sooner was Roldan's rebellion suppressed than 
the appearance of another turbulent spirit on the 



^ 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 193 

scene threatened to make the permanent estabUshment 
of peace impossible. Alonzo de Ojeda, soon after 
his treacherous exploit in the capture of the cacique 
Caonabo, had been despatched with four vessels on a 
voyage of exploration. With the details of his expe- 
dition, however interesting in themselves, we have 
nothing in this connection to do, except to note 
the fact that he returned to Hispaniola just after 
matters had been adjusted between Columbus and 
Roldan. However Ojeda may have felt toward his 
chief at the time of his departure, it is evident that 
he brought back from his voyage a malignant enmity. 
He was a strong partisan of Fonseca, and he now 
represented that the queen was at the point of 
death, that her demise would deprive Columbus of 
his last friend, and that it would not be difficult so to 
arrange matters that Columbus would soon be stripped 
of his authority. To the honour of Roldan it must 
be said that he not only opposed a stern resistance to 
all Ojeda's schemes, but that he acted with strict 
loyalty to the interests of Columbus. Nevertheless, 
for months the island was kept in turmoil, the forces 
of Roldan were pitted against those of Ojeda, and 
it was not until after several hostile skirmishes that 
the hopes of this new rebel were finally dispelled. 

Meanwhile reports of the unhappy situation were 
finding their way back to Spain. Ojeda lost no op- 
portunity to write to Fonseca and to pour the poison 
of his representations into the mind of the minister. 
Don Fernando tells us that during the period of these 
disorders " many of the rebels sent letters from His- 

13 



194 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

paniola, and others, when returned to Spain, did not 
cease to give false information to the king and his 
council against the Admiral and his brother." 

It was while these various occurrences were taking 
place that Columbus sent back to Spain five of the 
vessels that had set out w4th him on his third voyage. 
The freightage and the news borne by the ships were 
most unfortunate for the cause of the Admiral. The 
caravels were laden with slaves for the Spanish market. 
Such a method of recruiting the colonial treasury was 
not indeed unknown, for slaves had already before 
been sent back and sold for the benefit of the expedi- 
tion. But hitherto the Indian slave-trade had been 
kept within the domain of custom and ecclesiastical 
sanction. In the fifteenth century infidels taken in 
war were thrown upon the slave-market without provok- 
ing ecclesiastical protest. In the war against the 
Moors the victors often sold prisoners in large num- 
bers, and even the sensibilities of Isabella seem not 
to have been offended by such a proceeding. But 
the Indians now to be sent to the auction-block had 
been taken in a very different way. Many of the 
native men and women had found the tribute of 
service demanded of them so oppressive or revolting 
that they had fled to the forests as a means of escape. 
But in this dash for liberty they were pursued, and 
often overtaken. Those who were captured were 
thrown into the ships and held in close confinement 
until the time of sailing. It is painful to relate that 
Columbus not only sanctioned and directed this pro- 
ceeding, but that in his letter to the sovereigns he 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 195 

even entered into an account of the pecuniary advan- 
tage that would arise from these slave -dealing trans- 
actions. He estimated that as many slaves could be 
furnished as the Spanish market would demand, and 
that from this species of traffic a revenue of as much 
as forty million maravedis might be derived. Not 
only this, but he even alludes to the intended adop- 
tion on the part of private individuals of a system of 
exchange of slaves for goods wanted in colonial life. 
According to this scheme, as outlined by the Admiral, 
the colonists were to furnish slaves to the shipowners 
who were to take this human freightage to Spain, and 
then, having disposed of it and taken their commis- 
sion, invest the remaining proceeds in the articles 
needed, and carry them back to the traders in the 
islands. The plan had all the cold-hearted brutality 
of a practised slave-dealer. 

The misfortune of this policy to Columbus was in 
the relation of the king and queen respectively to the 
colonial enterprise. Ferdinand had never shown him- 
self heartily favourable to the projects of the Admiral. 
The queen, on the other hand, had taken a much 
larger and juster view of the importance and glory of 
the discovery. But Isabella had from the first been 
extremely sensitive on the matter of reducing the 
native Indians to a condition of slavery. Before she 
would consent to the sale of a former consignment, 
she had required that proofs should be furnished of 
their having been taken in open warfire, and also 
that an ecclesiastical commission should certify to 
the regularity and propriety of such a proceeding. 



196 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

These requirements, if no other, should have pre- 
vented Columbus from presuming very much upon 
any indulgent leniency on this subject. In view of 
the queen's previous attitude in regard to the matter 
of slavery, no intelligent observer can think it strange 
that the course Columbus was now taking gave great 
offence, if it did not arouse an earnest indignation. 

It is evident, moreover, that the scruples of the 
queen in regard to the general wisdom of Columbus's 
course must have received new significance from 
the news that came from the island. It is true that 
Columbus himself wrote an elaborate account of the 
causes of the revolt ; but it is also true that the same 
ships that carried the slaves and the report of the 
Admiral, carried also several descriptions of affairs 
by Roldan and his followers. The Admiral and the 
Lord Lieutenant were freely charged with every spe- 
cies of enormity. Nor were these charges confined 
to generalities. The rebels went so far as to declare 
that the tyranny of the rule in the islands was so intol- 
erable that nothing but revolt was possible. They 
also very adroitly called attention to the fact that not- 
withstanding all the reports that received currency m 
regard to the discoveries of gold, no gold of any 
amount had as yet found its way back to Spain. 

Besides these reports, numerous others of a more 
private nature were sent by colonists to their friends 
at home, all of them laden with gloom and dissatis- 
faction. That the administrations of the Admiral 
and the Lord Lieutenant were very unpopular, there 
can be no doubt whatever in the mind of any one 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 197 

who reads the original accounts ; and these expres- 
sions of popular disfavour streamed back to the 
mother-country by every means of conveyance. Nor 
did these tidings fall upon unwelcoming ears. Those 
who had sent out friends only to hear of their death 
or misfortunes ; those who were filled with envy at 
the success of one whom they regarded as merely a 
foreign adventurer; those who were embittered by 
disappointment that no pecuniary returns had been re- 
ceived, — all these and thousands of others now united 
in one general cry of denunciation. The Admiral's 
son Fernando gives a vivid picture of the complaints 
made against his father. Columbus himself, in writing 
to the nurse of Prince Juan at this period, said : *' I 
have now reached a point where there is no man so 
vile but thinks it his right to insult me. ... If I had 
plundered the Indies, even to the country where is 
the fabled altar of St. Peter's, and had given them all 
to the Moors, they could not have shown] toward me 
more bitter enmity than they have done in Spain." 

That much of this unpopularity was unjust and un- 
reasonable, there can be no doubt whatever. But 
even when we have conceded this, there still remains 
the great fact of a popular outcry ; and such an out- 
cry always justifies at least an inquiry. It must not, 
therefore, be regarded as strange that the Spanish 
sovereigns at length decided to make an official in- 
vestigation. Indeed, any other course would have 
been little less than a culpable disregard of a power- 
ful public sentiment. 

Such were the influences that were borne in upon 



198 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

the king and queen. There is evidence that soon 
after the return of the five vessels with their cargo of 
slaves, Ferdinand and Isabella began to take into con- 
sideration the question of suspending the Admiral. 
They did not, however, act in haste. The ships ar- 
rived with their ill-omened freightage in November of 
1498. In the course of the following winter the mon- 
archs decided definitively that an investigation should 
be made. On the 21st of March, 1499, they issued 
a commission authorizing Francis de Bobadilla " to 
ascertain what persons have raised themselves against 
justice in the island of Hispaniola, and to proceed 
against them according to law." 

Bobadilla was an officer of the royal household 
and a commander of one of the military and religious 
orders. His general reputation was good. Oviedo 
says that he was " a very honest and religious man." 
The misfortune of the appointment was not so much 
in the badness of the man as in the badness of the 
situation in which he was placed. The instructions 
given by Ferdinand and Isabella have been pre- 
served j and as we read them we cannot escape the 
conviction that they subjected Bobadilla to a tempta- 
tion greater than ordinary human nature could bear. 
He received a series of commissions, each conferring 
greater authority than that conferred by the one be- 
fore, each intended to be used only in case of im- 
perative emergency. In one of these commissions 
Bobadilla was authorized to issue his commands in 
the royal name and to send back to Spain " any cava- 
liers or other persons," in case he should think such a 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. I99 

course necessary for the service. Another commission 
authorizes Bobadilla to require Columbus to surren- 
der " the fortresses, ships, houses, arms, ammunition, 
cattle, and all other royal property, under penalty 
of the customary punishment for disobedience of 

a royal order." 

Having received these general instructions, Boba- 
dilla was made the bearer of the following letter to 
the Admiral : — 

Don Christopher Columbus, our Admiral of the 

Ocean : 
We have commanded the commendador, Francis de 
Bobadilla, the bearer of this, that he speak to you on our 
part some things which he will tell you. We pray you 
give him faith and credence, and act accordingly. 

But notwithstanding this authority, for some rea- 
son that has not been adequately explained, Boba- 
dilla was not despatched to the Indies until a year 
from the following July. It is very easy to con- 
jecture that the sovereigns were more than willing 
that, if possible, Columbus should still work out the 
problem for himself. They may have desired Boba- 
dilla to try his influence at first from a distance, in 
the hope that extreme measures might not have to 
be resorted to. But this purpose seems not to have 
been successful. If we accept of this explanation 
of the delay, we can hardly withhold from the sove- 
reigns some measure of commendation for their cau- 
tion and prudence. 

But caution and prudence formed no part of the 



200 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

policy pursued after Bobad ilia was sent to Hispaniola. 
It is difficult to believe that the commissioner acted 
without at least the royal approval of a policy of vig- 
our, though it is impossible to suppose that the sover- 
eigns would have given their sanction in detail to the 
manner in which he performed his mission. Bobadilla 
seems at least not to have been unwilling to act with 
energy and directness. There is no evidence that he 
was not high-principled, or that he was actuated by 
any other motives than those of the public good ; but 
he was a person of strong prejudices and of narrow- 
ness of mind, and consequently he was unable to 
distinguish between vigour and coarse brutality. 

The arrival of Bobadilla at San Domingo was on 
the 23d of August, 1499. He found affairs in ex- 
treme disorder. The first information he received 
was that seven of the rebels had just been hanged, 
and that five more had been condemned and were 
awaiting a similar fate. Las Casas tells us that as 
Bobadilla entered the river, he beheld on either hand 
a gibbet, and on it the body of a prominent Spaniard 
lately executed ! The impression thus made upon 
his mind was no doubt intensified by the rumours 
that came from every quarter. He seems to have 
regarded what he saw and heard as conclusive evi- 
dence of the Admiral's cruelty and culpability. 

The next morning, after mass, Bobadilla ordered 
the letter authorizing him to make investigations to 
be read before the assembled populace about the 
church-door. The commission authorized him to 
seize persons and fortresses, to sequestrate the prop- 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 20 1 

erty of delinquents, and finally called upon the 
Admiral and all others in authority to assist in the 
discharge of his duties. The Admiral and the Ade- 
lantado were in another part of the island, the com- 
mand at San Domingo having been intrusted to Don 
Diego. After the reading of the commission, Boba- 
dilla demanded of the acting governor that he sur- 
render the prisoners that were held for execution, 
together with the evidence concerning them. The 
reply was given that the prisoners were held by com- 
mand of the Admiral, and that the Admiral's au- 
thority was superior to any that Bobadilla might 
possess, and therefore that the prisoners could not 
be given up. This defiant answer to his demand 
provoked Bobadilla into bringing forward all the 
reserves of his authority. Accordingly, on the next 
morning, as soon as mass was said, he caused his 
other letter to be proclaimed, investing him with the 
government of the islands and of the continent. 
After taking the oath of office, he produced the third 
letter of the Crown, ordering Columbus to deliver 
up all the royal property ; and then, as if to clinch 
popular favour, he produced an additional mandate, 
requiring him, at the earliest practicable moment, to 
pay all arrears of wages due to persons in the royal 
service. 

This proclamation had the desired effect. The 
populace, many of whom were suffering from arrears 
in payment of wages, hailed the new governor as a 
benefactor and a saviour. 

Thus it was that, by a very natural series of events, 



202 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

the narrow mind of Bobadilla was led on to a pre- 
cipitate assumption of all the authority conferred 
upon him. He decided to act with an energy that 
amounted to brutality. His next step was to take 
possession of the Admiral's house, and then, sending 
the royal letter, to summon the Admiral before him. 
No resistance was offered either by Columbus or by 
either of his brothers. Indeed, the authority con- 
ferred by the commission and the attitude of the 
populace made resistance impossible. Bobadilla, 
without hesitation, not only arrested them, but put 
them into chains. 

No sooner was it apparent that the commissioner 
was disposed to act with energy than the whole pack 
of malcontents set up their cry of accusation. They 
told how Columbus had made them work on the 
fortresses and other buildings even when they were 
sick ; how he had condemned them to be whipped 
even for stealing a peck of wheat when they were 
dying with hunger; how he had not baptized In- 
dians, because he desired to make slaves rather than 
Christians; and, finally, how he had entered into un- 
just wars with the natives, in order that he might 
capture slaves to be sent to the markets in Spain. 
Many of these accusations, if the facts could have 
been understood, might doubtless have been ex- 
plained in a way to reflect no discredit upon the 
Admiral ; they might even have shown proof of his 
firmness and sagacity as a ruler. But there was no 
opportunity for explanation. It is only certain that 
the populace rejoiced in the coming of Bobadilla, 



THE THIRD VOYAGE. 203 

and that they encouraged him in all his acts of 
violence. 

Thus it was that the disaster toward which so 
many things had been tending was finally consum- 
mated. It has been fortunate for the memory of 
Columbus that the act of suspension was carried out 
with such total disregard of what the navigator had 
accomplished. In accordance with a well-known im- 
pulse of human nature, the sympathies of all generous 
minds from that time to this have been enlisted in 
his favour. These sympathies have often led to a 
forgetfulness of the grievances under which the colo- 
nists were suffering. But in the light of all the facts 
that are accessible, it is difficult to believe that the 
sovereigns were wrong in providing for his removal. 
The only cause of just complaint is the fact that it 
was not done in a manner that was worthy of his 
great achievements. 

Bobadilla acted with such brutal energy, and the 
outcries of the poplace were so violent, that Columbus 
believed his life was to be sacrificed. There is no 
reason to suppose, however, that Bobadilla ever for 
a moment thought of bringing the Admiral to execu- 
tion. He decided at once to send the prisoners to 
Spain. Alonzo de Villejo was put in charge of the 
Admiral and of the two brothers. Las Casas says of 
Villejo : " He was a worthy hidalgo and my particu- 
lar friend." When the new custodian with his guard 
entered the prison, Columbus supposed it was to 
conduct him to the scaffold. Villejo at once reas- 
sured him, however, and told him his errand was to 



204 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

transfer him to the ship, and that they were at once 
to embark for Spain. Columbus may well have felt 
like one restored from death to life. But as the 
officers took him to the ship, they were followed 
by the insulting scoffs of the rabble ; for all seemed 
to take a brutal satisfaction in heaping indignities 
upon his head. 

On shipboard Villejo treated his illustrious pris- 
oner with every consideration. He offered to remove 
the irons ; but to this Columbus would not consent. 
It is a signifiant indication of his character that he 
haughtily answered : " No, their Majesties ordered 
me to submit to whatever Bobadilla might command ; 
by their authority I was put in chains, and by their 
authority alone shall they be removed." Fernando 
tells us that his father was in the habit of keeping the 
manacles in his cabinet, and that he requested that 
they might be buried with him. 

After a prosperous voyage, the ship reached the 
port of Cadiz in November, 1500. 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 205 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 

The arrival of Columbus in chains at the port of 
Cadiz produced a deep sensation. It was but natural 
that there should be an instantaneous reaction in his 
favour. Even those who had not hesitated to criticise 
or even denounce him, were now moved with a deep 
and natural sympathy at the ignominy that had over- 
taken him. The reaction took possession of all 
classes, and the agitation of the community was 
scarcely less than it had been when, seven years 
before, with banners flying and music sounding, he 
had departed from the same port with a fleet of 
seventeen ships for his second voyage. 

The tidings of his imprisonment soon spread 
abroad. In the luxurious city of Sevifle there was 
deep and general indignation. The court was at 
Granada. Columbus, still ignorant as to how far the 
course of Bobadilla had received royal authority, ab- 
stained from writing to the monarchs. While on 
shipboard, however, he had written an elaborate letter 
to Donna Juana de la Torres, formerly a nurse of 
Prince Juan, and still a great favourite of the queen. 
The letter was doubtless written in the supposition 



2o6 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

that it would reach the court without delay ; and with 
the permission of the master of the ship, it was de- 
spatched by the hand of Antonio de Torres, a friend 
of Columbus and a brother of Juana. Las Casas 
tells us that it was by this letter that Ferdinand and 
Isabella first learned of the indignities that had been 
heaped upon the Admiral. Other tidings, however, 
soon followed. A friendly letter from Vallejo con- 
firmed in all essential points the narrative of Colum- 
bus. A despatch was also received from the alcalde 
to whose hands Columbus had been consigned to 
await the pleasure of the sovereigns. 

Ferdinand and Isabella acted without hesitation. 
Las Casas tells us that the queen was deeply agitated 
by the letter of Columbus. Even the more prudent 
Ferdinand did not deem it necessary to wait for the 
despatches from Bobadilla. They declared at once 
that the commissioner had exceeded his instructions, 
and ordered that Columbus should not only be set 
free, but should be treated with every consideration. 
They invited him to court, and ordered a credit of 
two thousand ducats (a sum equal to more than ten 
thousand dollars at the present day) to defray his 
expenses. 

Columbus reached the court at Granada on the 
1 7th of December. His hearing before the king and 
queen is said not to have been that of a man who had 
been disgraced and humiliated, but rather that of one 
whose proud spirit was meeting undeserved reproach 
with a lofty scorn. He was richly dressed, and at- 
tended with a retinue becoming his high office. The 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 207 

king and queen received him with unqualified distinc- 
tion, and encouraged him with gracious expressions 
of favour. At length, regaining his self-possession, 
Columbus delivered an earnest vindication of his 
course. He explained what he had done, declaring 
that if at any time he had erred, it had been through 
inexperience in government, and the extraordinary 
difficulties under which he had laboured. 

Isabella replied in a speech that did great credit to 
her discretion as well as her sympathy. She declared 
that while she fully appreciated the magnitude of his 
services and the rancour of his enemies, she feared 
that he had given cause for complaint. Charlevoix 
has reported what purports to be the speech of the 
queen. 

"Common report," she said, "accuses you of acting 
with a degree of severity quite unsuitable for an infant 
colony, and likely to excite rebellion there. But the mat- 
ter as to which I find it hardest to give you my pardon 
is your conduct in reducing to slavery a number of In- 
dians who had done nothing to deserve such a fate. This 
was contrary to my express orders. As your ill fortune 
willed it, just at the time when I heard of this breach of 
my instructions, everybody was complaining of you, and 
no one spoke a word in your favour. And I felt obliged 
to send to the Indies a commissioner to investigate mat- 
ters and give me a true report, and, if necessary, to put 
limits to the authority which you were accused of over- 
stepping. If you were found guilty of the charges, he 
was to relieve you of the government and to send you to 
Spain to give an account of your stewardship. This was 
the extent of his commission. I find that I have made a 
bad choice in my agent, and I shall take care to make 



2o8 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

an example of Bobadilla which will serve as a warning 
to others not to exceed their powers. I cannot, however, 
promise to reinstate you at once in your government. 
People are too much inflamed against you, and must have 
time to cool. As to your rank of Admiral, I never in- 
tended to deprive you of it. But you must abide your 
time and trust in me." 

The course pursued by the monarchs was not 
altogether above reproach ; for in their haste to 
make amends to Columbus, they were not unwilling 
to throw an unjust imputation upon Bobadilla. What- 
ever had been the intention of the monarchs, it is 
now plain that the commissioner had not exceeded 
his authority in making the arrest ; and that the 
monarchs should be willing to dismiss their agent 
without waiting even to receive his report, is evidence 
that they had either forgotten the nature of their in- 
structions, or that they were now carried away by the 
representations of the Admiral or the clamours of the 
populace. 

The Admiral, however, had but little reason to be 
satisfied. He cared not so much for the removal of 
Bobadilla as for his own reinstatement. This he 
deemed necessary to a complete vindication ; but in 
this he was doomed to disappointment. There is no 
evidence that Ferdinand ever looked with favour on 
the restoration of Columbus to his command. 

The misfortune that had befallen the Admiral was 
of a nature to awaken sympathy in every generous 
mind. Even down to the present day this feeling is 
so wide spread that it is difficult to secure a judicious 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 209 

discrimination between the fact of his removal and 
the manner in which the removal was accomplished. 
But these two phases of the subject are entirely dis- 
tinct, and ought to be independently considered. 
The manner of the removal can have no justification. 
This was admitted by the monarchs, who in order to 
shield themselves from obloquy were not unwilling 
to bring an unjust charge against the commissioner. 
It is now plain that the fault of Bobadilla was not in 
exceeding his authority, but in the unwise and im- 
moderate use of the discretion that had been placed 
in his hands. It is by no means certain that a care- 
ful investigation of affairs in the island, followed by 
a judicious and moderate report, would not have 
resulted in a removal of the Admiral from his com- 
mand j for it is quite possible that even if Columbus 
was not deserving of censure, the relations of the 
different interests were in such turmoil that a gover- 
nor who had had no connection with affairs thus far, 
would be more successful in subduing anarchy and in 
bringing order out of chaos. 

But whether such a result would have ensued, can 
never be more than a matter of mere conjecture. It 
is certain that the difficulties of the situation had 
not been successfully overcome by Columbus or by 
either of his brothers. It is incontestable that even 
as late as the arrival of Bobadilla, affairs on the island 
were in great confusion, and that the rebellion had 
been subdued only by the granting of terms that were 
not very creditable either to Columbus or to Spanish 
civilization. 

14 



2IO CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

There is nothing remaining that throws more light 
on the condition of affairs in Hispaniola at the time 
of which we are speaking, than the letter of Columbus 
to the old nurse of Don Juan. Any one who reads it 
thoughtfully must receive a number of very hetero- 
geneous impressions. With a little more than usual 
intensity, it breathes a loyal and pietistic spirit. It 
conveys a very delicate, but at the same time a very 
just, reproach to the monarchs for bestowing on Bo- 
badilla the authority which he received. Nothing 
could have been more justly or felicitously expressed 
than the sentence in which he declared : " I have 
been wounded extremely by the thought that a man 
should have been sent out to make inquiry into my 
conduct who knew that if he sent home a very ag- 
gravated account of the result of his investigation, he 
would remain at the head of the government." He 
showed, moreover, the unpardonable precipitancy 
with which Bobadilla had acted, in making his arrests 
right and left before he had had time to conduct any 
proper investigations. 

But after all these mitigations are admitted, and 
after Columbus has received every credit that can be 
accorded him, there still remains the fact that the 
island had been in turmoil almost from the first ; 
that the Indians, who, according to the testimony of 
Columbus himself, had been at the first everywhere 
friendly and peaceable, had now become universally 
hostile ; that even if these disorders had largely oc- 
curred in the absence of the Admiral, it was neverthe- 
less true that they had all occurred under officers 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 211 

appointed by Columbus himself; that even if, as he 
said, vast numbers of men had gone to the Indies 
"who did not deserve water from God or man," still, 
all the men that had gone had been accepted for the 
purpose by the Admiral himself; that if he com- 
plained that the Spanish settlers " would give as much 
for a woman as for a farm," and that "this sort of 
trading is very common," still this iniquity was all 
under an administration of which he hinjself was the 
head, and directly under subordinates whom he him- 
self had appointed to command and, most important 
of all, under a system which he himself had recom- 
mended, and for which he alone was responsible. It 
may well be asserted that the comprehensive nature 
of his own commission, and the fact that his appoint- 
ments had not been interfered with, estopped him 
from asserting that all responsibility for failure was to 
be charged to the wickedness and the weakness of his 
subordinates. Had Columbus been completely ade- 
quate to the situation, he would have bound his subor- 
dinates to him in unquestioning loyalty. The truth is, 
however, that from first to last, with the exception of 
his brothers, those who were nearest him in command 
sooner or later became his enemies, — and generally 
the enmity was not long delayed. 

But there were other considerations that led Ferdi- 
nand to hesitate. The colony had not been prosper- 
ous from any point of view. It had been a continuous 
and unlessening source of expense, and had brought 
as yet very small returns. The hopes that the early 
reports of Columbus had aroused had ended in disap- 



212 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

pointment. The Admiral had confidently expected 
to come upon all the wealth of the Great Khan and 
of Cathay. Even the gold mines of Ophir, which he 
believed he had at length discovered, brought no 
returns. 

In the mean time, however, the court was besieged 
with the importunities of enterprising navigators who 
desired permission to make explorations without gov- 
ernmental support. The only favour they asked was 
the privilege of sailing and of bringing back to the 
royal treasury the due quota of their gains. They 
promised to plant the Spanish standard in all the lands 
of the west, and thus, without depleting the treasury, 
maintain and even advance the glories of the Spanish 
discoveries. 

To such importunities the Government began to 
yield as early as 1495. The privileges that were 
granted were in obvious violation of the exclusive 
rights bestowed upon Columbus before the first voy- 
age. But it was not easy to observe the letter of that 
contract. The lands discovered were so much vaster 
in extent than even Columbus had anticipated that it 
would be unreasonable to expect a comprehensive ob- 
servance of the monopoly granted. Though the Ad- 
miral made repeated and not unreasonable complaints 
of the privileges bestowed upon others in violation of 
his charter, yet the custom of granting such privileges 
was never completely discontinued. Nor would it 
have been reasonable to suppose that a monopoly of 
navigation and government in the western world could 
forever remain exclusively in the sacred possession of 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE, 213 

a single family. It was simply a question as to when 
that monopoly should cease. That there was no pur- 
pose to do injustice, was shown in the requirement 
that the interests of Columbus in the products of the 
island should be respected to the letter by Bobadilla 
and his successors. 

During the eight years that had now elapsed since 
the first voyage of the Admiral, a considerable number 
of navigators had already immortalized themselves by 
important discoveries and explorations. The Cabots, 
going out from Bristol, where they had doubtless 
learned of the projects and the success of Columbus, 
sailed westward by a more northerly route, and after 
reaching the continent a year before South America 
was touched by the Spanish navigator, explored the 
coast as far as from Newfoundland to Florida. As 
early as 1487, after seventy years of slow advances 
down the six thousand miles of western African coast, 
the Portuguese, under Bartholomew Diaz, as we have 
already noted, had reached the Cape of Good Hope ; 
and ten years later, just as Columbus was preparing 
for his third voyage, Vasca da Gama doubled the Cape, 
and in the following spring cast anchor in the bay at 
Calicut. In the spring of 1499 Pedro Alonzo Nino, 
who had accompanied Columbus as a pilot in the voy- 
age to Cuba and Paria, obtained a license, and not 
only explored the coast of Central America for several 
hundred miles, but traded his European goods to such 
advantage as to enable him to return after one of the 
most extensive and lucrative voyages yet accomplished. 
In the same year, Vincente Yanez Pinzon, who had 



214 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

commanded one of the ships in the first expedition of 
Columbus, pushed boldly to the southwest, and, cross- 
ing the equator, came finally to the great headland 
which is now known as Cape St. Augustine, and for 
their Catholic Majesties not only took possession of 
the territories called the Brazils, but discovered what 
was afterwards appropriately named the River of the 
Amazons. In the year 1500 Diego Lepe, fired with 
the zeal for discovery that had set the port of Palos 
aglow, went still farther to the south, and, turning Cape 
St. Augustine, ascertained that either the mainland or 
an enormous island ran far away to the southwest. 

Most important and significant of all, the fleet which, 
in the year 1500, was sent out from Portugal under 
Pedro Cabral, for the Cape of Good Hope, in striving, 
according to the advice of Da Gama, to avoid the dan- 
gers of the coast islands, drifted so far west that when 
it was caught in a violent easterly storm, it was driven 
upon the coast of Brazil, and thus proved that even if 
Columbus had not lived and sailed, America would 
have been made known to Europe in the very first 
year of the sixteenth century. 

Thus it was that, not to speak in detail of the ex- 
plorations of navigators of lesser note, the English 
explorers in the north, and the Spanish and Portu- 
guese in the south, had, before the end of the year 
1500, given to Europe a definite, though an incorrect, 
conception of the magnitude of the new world. There 
is no evidence that as yet anybody had supposed the 
newly discovered lands to be any other than the east- 
ern borders of Asia and Africa. But it must have been 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE, 215 

evident enough to many others, as well as to King 
Ferdinand, that these new possessions were too vast 
and too important to be intrusted to the governorship 
of any one man. They appealed alike to ambition, 
to avarice, and to jealousy. 

The policy adopted was one of delay. Columbus 
was naturally impatient to return to the office of 
which he had been deprived. The court, however, 
while treating him with every external consideration, 
would not bring itself to give an affirmative answer. 
Another course was finally adopted. It was agreed 
that Bobadilla should be removed, that another gov- 
ernor, who had had no part in the administrative 
quarrels, should be appointed for a term of two years, 
and that Columbus should be intrusted with a new 
exploring expedition. 

The person chosen to supersede Bobadilla was 
Nicholas de Ovando, a commander of the Order of 
Alcantara. The picture given of him by Las Casas is 
one that might well conciliate the prepossessions of the 
reader. According to this high authority, he was gra- 
cious in manner, fluent in speech, had great veneration 
for justice, was an enemy to avarice, and had such an 
aversion to ostentation that when he arose to be grand 
commander, he would never allow himself to be ad- 
dressed by the title attaching to his office. Yet he 
was a man of ardent temper, and so, in the opinion of 
Las Casas, was incapable of governing the Indians, 
upon whom he inflicted incalculable injury. 

Before Ovando was ready to sail, there was consid- 
erable delay. It had been decided to give him com- 



2l6 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

mand, not only of Hispaniola, but also of the other 
islands and of the mainland. The fleet was to be 
the largest yet sent to the western world. When at 
length it was ready, it mustered thirty sail, and had on 
board about twenty- five hundred souls. 

That the new governor might appear with becom- 
ing dignity, he was allowed an unusual amount of 
ostentation. A sumptuous attire of silk brocades and 
precious stones was prescribed, and he was permitted 
a body-guard of seventy-two yeomen. 

Las Casas accompanied this expedition, and con- 
sequently we have the great advantage of his own 
personal observations. He tells us that a great crowd 
of adventurers thronged the fleet, — " eager specu- 
lators, credulous dreamers, and broken-down gentle- 
men of desperate fortunes, — all expecting to enrich 
themselves with little effort." But it is evident also 
that there was another class on which greater hopes 
might reasonably be placed. In the original accounts, 
significant attention is called to the fact that among 
those who formed the expedition there were seventy- 
three married men with their families, all of respect- 
able character. Among those enumerated we notice, 
not only a chief-justice to replace Roldan, but a phy- 
sician, a surgeon, and an apothecary, — in short, per- 
sons of all ranks that seemed to be necessary for the 
supply and the development of the island. 

That the sovereigns were not unmindful of the 
rights of Columbus, was evinced by the provisions 
made for the protection of his interests. Ovando 
was ordered to examine into all the accounts, for the 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 217 

purpose of ascertaining the amount of the damages 
Columbus had suffered. All the property belonging 
to the Admiral that had been confiscated by Boba- 
dilla was to be restored, and the same care was to 
be taken of the interests of the Admiral's brothers. 
Not only were the arrears of the revenues to be paid, 
but they were also to be secured for the future. To 
this end Columbus was permitted to have an agent 
present at the smelting and the working of the gold, 
in order that his own rights might be duly protected. 
But notwithstanding these evidences of royal favour, 
the Admiral was much depressed in spirit. In the 
course of the long months during which he was con- 
demned to wait for the final action of the sovereigns, 
he had much time for reflection ; and it is not sin- 
gular that his thoughts turned to his long-neglected 
scheme for the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre. From 
the years of his early manhood, the desirability of 
such an act had held possession of his soul. It 
was characteristic of his immoderate ardour that he 
even recorded a vow that within seven years from 
the time of the discovery he would furnish fifty thou- 
sand foot soldiers and four thousand horse for the 
accomplishment of this purpose. The time had 
elapsed, and the vow remained unfulfilled. It had 
not, however, passed out of his remembrance ; and he 
now appealed to the monarchs to take the matter up 
as a national enterprise. The war with Granada 
had come to a victorious end ; the Duke of Medina 
Sidonia had given new lustre to the Spanish name in 
Italy ; the Spanish armies were now at leisure ; Ferdi- 



2l8 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

nand and Isabella were firm supporters of the Church : 
and what could be more appropriate than that they 
should now prove their superior devotion and power 
by the vigorous presecution of an enterprise that had 
baffled the efforts of united Christendom for more 
than two centuries? The visionary element in the 
mind of Columbus was never more plainly revealed. 

These dreamy speculations and importunities, how- 
ever, were only temporary in their nature. The mind 
of the explorer soon reverted to more practical affairs. 
It was spurred on in this direction and in that by the 
successes of Portuguese explorers in the East. Vasco 
da Gama had shown that navigation beyond the Cape 
of Good Hope was practicable, and Pedro Cabral 
had not only gone as far as the marts of Hindostan, 
but had returned with ships laden with precious com- 
modities of infinite variety. The discoveries in the 
West had thus far brought no return; and yet, ac- 
cording to every theory that Columbus had enter- 
tained, the islands he had discovered were only the 
border-land — only the fringe, so to speak — of that 
vast Eastern region that was flaming with Oriental 
gold. There must be a passage from the west that 
opened into the Indian Sea. The coast of Paria 
stretched on toward the west, the southern coast of 
Cuba extended in the same direction, and the cur- 
rents of the Caribbean Sea seemed to indicate that 
at some point still farther west there was a strait that 
connected the waters of the Atlantic and the Indian 
Ocean. To discover such a passage was an ambition 
worthy even of the lofty spirits of Columbus. He 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 219 

believed that somewhere west or southwest of the 
lands he had discovered such a strait would be found ; 
and it was to find such a passage that he resolved 
to undertake a fourth voyage. 

Columbus appears to have remained at Granada 
with the court from December of 1499 until late in 
the year 1501. He then repaired to Seville, where 
he was able within a few months to fit out an explor- 
ing squadron of four ships. The insignificant size of 
vessels of those days may be inferred from the fact 
that, according to Fernando, the largest of the ships 
was of seventy tons' burden, and the smallest of fifty. 
The crew consisted of one hundred and fifty men and 
boys, among whom were the Admiral's brother, Don 
Bartholomew, and his son Fernando, the historian. 

There were long and unaccountable delays, and 
the fleet did not sail from Cadiz before the 9th of 
May, 1502. Stopping for further supphes at St. 
Catherine's and Arzilla, as well as at the Grand 
Canary and Martinique, it was not until the 25 th 
that the westward voyage for the Indies was fairly 
begun. The first design was to go directly to the 
coast of Paria ; but although the voyage was an un- 
usually smooth one, Columbus, declaring one of the 
vessels to be unseaworthy, or at least to be in great 
need of repairs, decided to make for St. Domingo in 
order to effect an exchange of vessels. This port 
was safely reached before the end of June ; but the 
object of his coming was destined to be speedily 
frustrated. 

To avoid the consequences of a surprise, Columbus 



220 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

had taken the precaution to send one of his captains 
with despatches to inform Ovando of his approach 
and the nature of his errand. Besides referring to 
the condition of one of the ships, he begged the 
privilege of temporary shelter for his fleet. Columbus 
himself, in his letter, says nothing of any motive, ex- 
cepting his desire to purchase a vessel to take the 
place of the one that had become disabled ; but Fer- 
nando attributes to him the additional purpose of 
securing shelter from a violent storm which he saw 
to be impending. According to his son's doubtful 
authority, the Admiral even ventured to advise that 
the departure of the fleet about to sail for Spain, with 
the treasures that Bobadilla had collected, should be 
delayed until the coming storm was past. Columbus 
himself, however, never made any such claim. But 
no part of the message was of any avail. It was 
evident that the new commander, Ovando, who had 
now been several months in power, was not free 
from ill-will toward the Admiral. Las Casas is of 
the opinion that he had received secret instructions 
from the sovereigns not to admit the Admiral to the 
island. It seems certain that at that time San Do- 
mingo abounded with enemies of Columbus, and 
the decision may have been reached simply by con- 
siderations of prudence. The hospitality of the har- 
bour was refused, and the outgoing fleet of eighteen 
sail was not detained. 

Denied the privilege of the harbour, Columbus drew 
his little fleet up under the shelter of the island. On 
the last day of June a terrible hurricane broke upon 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 221 

them. The vessels were torn from their moorings, 
and driven apart into the wide sea. Each of the 
ships lost sight of the others, and each supposed that 
all the others were lost. The fury of the winds and 
waves continued throughout many days and nights ; 
and such was the raging tumult of the elements that it 
seemed impossible for a single vessel to escape. By 
what was considered a miraculous interposition of 
Providence, however, all the ships of Columbus out- 
rode the storm. The fact that the " unseaworthy " 
vessel survived with the others, gives colour to the 
suspicion that the claim of unseaworthiness was only 
a pretence for the purpose of getting access to the 
port. The vessel which the Admiral commanded was 
driven as far as Jamaica ; and if we may believe the 
sweeping and unquahfied language of the Admiral, 
" during sixty days there was no cessation of the 
tempest, which was one continuation of rain, thun- 
der, and lightning." In this same connection Co- 
lumbus writes to the sovereigns : '' Eighty-eight days 
did this fearful tempest continue, during which I was 
at sea, and saw neither sun nor stars. My ships lay 
exposed, with sails torn ; and anchors, cables, rigging, 
boats, and a great quantity of provisions were lost. My 
people were very weak and humbled in spirit, many 
of them promising to lead a religious life, and all 
making vows and promising to perform pilgrimages, 
while some of them would frequently go to their 
messmates to make confession. Other tempests have 
been experienced, but never of so long a duration or 
so fearful as this." 



222 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

But if the Admiral was finally successful in bringing 
the shattered remains of his fleet together, it was not 
until the 12 th of September that they reached the 
place of safety and promise to which the commander 
gave the name Gracios a Dios. It was far otherwise 
with the larger squadron. The commander, after re- 
fusing to heed the predictions of the i\dmiral, had 
just set out for Spain. On board were Bobadilla and 
Roldan, as well as the others that had taken a promi- 
nent part in accusing Columbus, and securing his 
arrest and imprisonment. The vessels were also laden 
with so much gold and other articles of value as a 
relentless avarice and cruelty could bring together to 
justify the administration. The details of the disaster 
have not been preserved. All that we know is that 
of the eighteen vessels only four escaped complete 
destruction. Every important personage on board 
the fleet was lost. Of the four less unfortunate ships, 
three were in such a shattered condition that they 
were obliged to return to San Domingo, while only 
one, "The Needle," was able to make its way to 
Spain. To the unquestioning religious faith of the 
time, the proof of providential direction was made 
complete by the singular fact that the gold on board 
"The Needle," the poorest vessel of the fleet, was 
the portion that belonged to Columbus. Las Casas 
regards the event as a signal example of those awful 
judgments with which Providence sometimes over- 
whelms those who have incurred divine displeasure. 

For a knowledge of the explorations of Columbus 
during the fourth voyage we are indebted to a very 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 223 

elaborate letter of the Admiral himself, and to the 
accounts by Fernando, Las Casas, and Porras, all of 
whom were, at the time, either with the Admiral or at 
San Domingo. The accounts do not agree in all par- 
ticulars, but essentially they are not unlike. As to 
the general course of the expedition, and the reasons 
for the course taken, there is substantial agreement. 

At the end of the succession of storms in the autumn 
of 1502 Columbus found himself among the islands 
south of Cuba. The way was now open for the prose- 
cution of the design which had led to the organization 
of the expedition. He was in search of an open pass- 
age. His idea, of course, could not have been very 
clearly defined ; for he still believed that the islands he 
had already visited were only the remote edge of the 
Asiatic continent. As yet he had no reason for definite 
belief as to whether Cuba was an island or was a part 
of the mainland ; though, as we have already seen, 
he had once required his crew to swear on their re- 
turn that it was the mainland, under penalty of having 
their tongues wrenched out in case of disobedience. 
As his purpose now was avowedly th^ of an explorer 
pure and simple, it would seem that three ways were 
clearly open to him. He had already in his second 
voyage made himself sufficiently familiar with eastern 
Cuba to know that whether an island or a part of the 
mainland, it was a vast projection into the east ; and 
he must have inferred that its relations with the re- 
gions beyond could most easily and naturally be ascer- 
tained by sailing in a westerly direction, either along 
the northern or along the southern coast. The other 



2 24 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

course open to him was a bold push for new regions 
by saiUng into the open sea to the southwest. The 
obvious disadvantage of this course was the fact that 
whatever might be discovered, the relations of the 
new regions to those already explored would still be 
involved in mystery. Whether Cuba were an island 
or a part of the continent, could not in this way be 
determined. In the way of promised advantages, 
moreover, this direction would seem to have held out 
no greater inducements than either of the others. If 
he had sailed along the northern coast of Cuba, he 
would have determined the fact of its insularity, and 
then would have been free to explore farther for the 
mainland. But the more promising course was on 
the other side of the island ; for in this way the 
source of the currents, on which the navigator placed 
so much reliance, could have been traced, — or at 
least it could have been determined whether the 
phenomenal flow of waters originated, as Columbus 
supposed, in an open strait. The least promising 
course of all was the abandonment of Cuba and the 
striking out of a^i independent course to the south- 
west ; for when land should be reached, there could 
be no determination whether the new coast had any 
connection with the land already discovered, and it 
would still be undetermined whether the strait for 
which he was searching, if it existed at all, lay to the 
east or to the west of the new landfall. But this 
least promising course was the one Columbus deter- 
mined to take. It was a great blunder, for which 
no good reason has ever been given. 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE, 225 

Sailing in a southwesterly direction, the storms still 
continuing, he at length approached the mainland at 
a small island which he called the Isle of Pines. He 
then turned to the east, and in a few days reached 
the coast of Honduras. After waiting for a short 
time to trade with the natives, he kept on his way in 
the same general direction, in the face of a stormy 
current and violent winds. It was not until the 14th 
of September that they rounded the cape which in 
thankfulness to God he named Cape Gracios a Dios. 
At this point the current divided, a part flowing west, 
and a part south. Taking advantage of the latter, 
they proceeded down the Mosquito coast without 
difficulty. On the 25 th of September they came to 
an inviting spot which he called the " Garden." The 
natives seemed more intelligent than any Columbus 
had yet seen. In order that he might have a supply 
of interpreters, the Admiral seized seven of them, 
two of whom he retained by force even when, Octo- 
ber 5, he sailed away. This forcible detention was 
greatly resented by the tribe, but the prayers of the 
emissaries sent for their release had no effect. 

Pushing still farther south and east, the Spaniards 
came in about ten days to Caribaro Bay. The na- 
tives, who wore gold plates as ornaments, were defi- 
ant, and expressed their unwelcoming mood by blasts 
upon conch-shells and the brandishing of spears. 
The Spanish lombards, however, soon brought them 
to a more submissive spirit. A little farther along, 
the vessels came to Varagua, a territory lying just west 
of the Isthmus of Darien. Here the Admiral heard 
glowing accounts of gold not far away. His inter- 
ns 



226 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

preters told him that ten days inland the natives rev- 
elled in the precious metals and all other valuable 
commodities. Had he listened and obeyed, he would 
have discovered the Pacific. But, for once, he turned 
a deaf ear to the allurement, and so lost his oppor- 
tunity. That the natives hinted at the great waters 
beyond the isthmus, is plain from the words of Co- 
lumbus. He says : " They say that the sea surrounds 
Cuguare, and that ten days' journey from thence is 
the river Ganges." 

His farther voyage south brought no important re- 
sults. The ships were worm-eaten, and the crew 
were clamorous for the gold of Varagua. On the 5 th 
of December Columbus decided reluctantly to retrace 
his course. By one of those singular adversities of 
fortune, the winds which had hitherto blown strongly 
from the east now veered and blew as strongly from 
the west. Gale after gale followed. Columbus called 
it the " Coast of Contrasts." The situation of the 
navigators became all the more desperate through the 
horrors of impending famine. Worms had made their 
bread revolting, and the crew were driven to catch 
sharks for food. 

For weeks the violence of the storms continued. 
In attempting to make their way back, a full month 
was taken up by the Spaniards in passing a hundred 
miles. The whole winter was consumed without 
important results. At Varagua earnest hopes were 
entertained that the long- sought, but ever- elusive 
gold-fields were at length to be found. Columbus 
says that he saw more indications of gold in two 
days than he had seen in Hispaniola in four years ; 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 227 

he therefore decided upon a settlement, and began to 
build houses. Eighty members of the crew were 
to be left to establish a permanent footing. 

But misfortune succeeded misfortune. The natives 
began to organize for the purpose of making such a 
settlement impossible. In one of their conflicts the 
cacique, known as the Quibian, was taken prisoner by 
the Adelantado. He was intrusted to the care of a 
Spanish officer, who imprudently yielded to the chiefs 
persuasions to remove his shackles. The consequence 
was that in an unguarded moment the cacique sprang 
over the side of the boat and dived to the bottom. 
The night was dark, and as he came to the sur- 
face he was not detected. Columbus believed him 
drowned ; but it soon appeared that he had reached 
the shore and organized so formidable an opposi- 
tion to the settlement as to place the colony in 
extreme peril. 

Provisions and ammunition now began to run short. 
The Admiral was tortured with gout, and this was 
followed by a fever. While affairs were in this con- 
dition a portion of the prisoners threw open a hatch- 
way, and, thrusting the guards aside, plunged into the 
sea and escaped. Those who had failed to get away 
were thrust back into the hold ; but in the morning 
it was found that they had all committed suicide by 
hanging. The resolute spirit thus shown was a sad 
foreboding of disaster. The sea was so rough that 
for days there could be no communication between 
the Admiral on ship and the Adelantado on shore. 
When at length a brave swimmer succeeded in reach- 
ing the land, he found a portion of Bartholomew's 



228 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

force in revolt. The mutineers formed a plan to 
desert the commander and effect an escape to the 
ships. There was nothing to do but to rescue the 
colony, if possible, and abandon the coast. 

When affairs appeared to be in a most hopeless 
condition, the tempest abated, and fair weather came 
on. One of the caravels, however, had been stranded 
and wrecked. In order to bring off the stores and 
the colony, a raft was constructed, and after long ef- 
fort the survivors were rescued and taken aboard the 
remaining vessels. One of these, however, proved to 
be so much worm-eaten and otherwise disabled that 
it had to be abandoned. Taking the scanty stores 
into the two remaining caravels, the adventurers now 
turned their prows toward Hispaniola. 

The course of the vessels, however, in order to meet 
the strong westerly currents, was eastward. The crew 
were thrown into consternation by the thought that the 
Admiral, notwithstanding the unseaworthy condition 
of the ships, was making for Spain. But Columbus 
had no such purpose. His design was to zigzag his 
course in such a manner that none of the crew could 
find the way back to the gold coast. He says that he 
remembered how a former crew had returned to the 
pearl-fisheries of Paria ; and he now wrote : " None 
of them can explain whither I went, nor whence I 
came. They do not know the way to return thither." 

Having accom^^lished his bewildering purpose, the 
Admiral now turned to the northwest. Falling into 
the currents, the vessels floated beyond Hispaniola ; 
and on the 30th of May they found themselves in the 
group of islands which Columbus had already called 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 229 

"The Gardens." That his old delusion was still kept 
up, is evident from his declaration that he " had come 
to Mango, which is near Cathay." 

Here again a succession of storms came on and 
threatened to shatter the crazy hulks to pieces. 
Columbus tried to find shelter in the lee of one of 
the islands ; but he lost all his anchors save one, and 
the crews were able to keep the ships afloat only 
by " three pumps, and the use of their pots and ket- 
tles." Evidently this condition of affairs could not 
long continue. On the 23d of June he reached 
Jamaica, and a little later he saw no other course than 
to run both of his ships aground. The first he ran 
ashore on the 23d of July ; and on the 12th of August 
he brought the other alongside, and managed to lash 
them together. The tide soon filled them with water. 
He built cabins on the forecastles, in which the crew 
could live until they could find relief. 

The navigators' scanty supply of food was ruined, 
and their first thought, therefore, was to barter for 
supplies with the natives. Fortunately, they were 
successful. Diego Mendez, the commander of one of 
the vessels, took the matter in hand, and making the 
circuit of the island in company with three other 
Spaniards, bargained advantageously with several of 
the caciques. 

The next thought of the Admiral was to send to 
Ovando for a rescuing vessel. He proposed to Men- 
dez that he should go in an open boat, as the only 
possible means of establishing a connection with San 
Domingo. Mendez offered to go in case no one else 



230 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

would volunteer. The others all held back. He then 
fitted up a row-boat, and taking one other Spaniard 
and six natives as oarsmen, committed himself to a 
voyage of nearly two hundred miles in those tempes- 
tuous waters. 

To Mendez, Columbus committed a long letter ad- 
dressed to the monarchs of Spain, — the very letter, 
no doubt, to which we are indebted for much of 
our knowledge of this disastrous voyage. It bears 
date July 7, 1503, and may well be regarded as the 
unmistakable evidence of a distracted, if not of an 
unbalanced, mind. 

Though the writer had much to say of the voyage, 
the most prominent characteristic of the writing was 
its rambling and incoherent references to the troubles 
of his earlier years. It was a veritable appeal ad 
misericordiam, and was full of inaccuracies, not to say 
positive misstatements. He says, — 

" I was twenty-eight years old when I came into your 
Highnesses' services, and now I have not a hair upon me 
that is not gray, my body is infirm, and all that was left 
to me, as well as to my brother, has been taken away and 
sold, even to the frock that I wore, to my great dishonour. 
Solitary in my trouble, sick, and in daily expectation of 
death, I am surrounded by millions of hostile savages full 
of cruelty. Weep for me whoever has charity, truth, and 
justice." 

Surely this is not the outpouring of a great soul. 
On the contrary, it is simply pitiful ; for it is impos- 
sible to forget that in earlier years he had described 
these " millions of hostile savages " as the embodi- 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE. 231 

ment of hospitable kindness. It was not until the 
innocent natives had learned by bitter experience that 
there was no device of avarice or cruelty or licentious- 
ness of which they were not made the victims that 
their unsuspecting hospitality was turned into a pru- 
dent hostility. If Columbus was only twenty-eight 
when he entered the service of the Spanish monarchs, 
he must have been born in 1456 ; he must have been 
only eighteen when he had the correspondence with 
Toscanelli; and at the time of his writing, he must 
have been only forty- seven. Recurring to geographi- 
cal affairs, he writes : " The world is but small ; out 
of seven divisions of it, the dry part occupies six, and 
the seventh is entirely covered with water. I say that 
the world is not so large as vulgar opinion makes it." 
Referring to his search for gold, he exclaims : " Gold 
is the most precious of all commodities ; gold con- 
stitutes treasure ; and he who possesses it has all the 
needs of this world, as also the means of rescuing 
souls from Purgatory and introducing them to the 
enjoyments of Paradise." 

After the departure of Mendez the long months of 
autumn and winter wore on. Columbus durinGf much 
of the time was confined to his bed- by illness. Dis- 
contents, and finally insubordination, became rife. 
The malcontents put themselves under the leadership 
of Francisco de Porras, a daring navigator, who at 
one time had commanded one of the vessels. On 
the 2d of January, 1504, Porras appeared in the cabin 
of the sick Admiral. An unfortunate altercation en- 
sued, which resulted in dividing the little band into 



232 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

two hostile camps. The outcome was that Porras and 
forty-one others threw themselves mto active rebellion. 
They took forcible possession of ten canoes, and com- 
mitted themselves to the sea with the mad purpose of 
going to San Domingo. A short experience, however, 
was enough to drive them back, and they now devoted 
themselves actively to getting supplies from the natives 
of Jamaica. This of course interfered greatly with 
the comforts of Columbus and his httle band. Indeed 
it might have proved fatal but for one of those inge- 
nious expedients of which the mind of the Admiral 
was so prolific. 

An eclipse of the moon was to take place on the 
night of February 29, 1504. Columbus caused it 
to be widely circulated among the natives that the 
God of the Spaniards was greatly displeased with 
their lack of loyalty, and was about to manifest his 
displeasure by an obscuration of the moon. As the 
echpse came on, the words of the Admiral appeared 
to be verified. The natives were convulsed with fear. 
He now declared that the divine anger would be ap- 
peased if they would show proper contrition and 
would furnish the needed supplies. The caciques 
threw themselves at his feet, and promised everything 
he might need. Just before the moon was to emerge 
from the shadow, he assured them that the divine 
wrath was placated, and that a sign would soon be 
manifested. As the eclipse passed off, the astonish- 
ment and satisfaction of the poor wretches were com- 
plete. From that time Columbus had no lack of 
sufficient supplies. 



THE FOURTH VOYAGE, 233 

The expedition of Mendez was not without the 
most trying vicissitudes. Ahuost immediately after 
starting, the httle bark encountered so heavy a sea 
that it was obliged to turn back. A few days later, 
however, another boat was ready, and Mendez com- 
mitted himself a second time to this daring enter- 
prise. Rough weather was encountered, and for a 
considerable period it seemed that all would be lost. 
One of the natives died, and his body was cast into 
the sea. But at length, in four days after leaving the 
eastern point of Jamaica, the Spaniards reached the 
port of Novissa, at the western end of Hispaniola.- 
Mendez soon found that Ovando, instead of being at 
San Domingo, was engaged in suppressing a revolt in 
the western province of Zaroyna. Though Ovando 
was not so ungracious as to meet the question with a 
point-blank refusal, he showed no disposition to ren- 
der prompt assistance. Thus it was that, in spite of 
all the urgency of Mendez, month after month passed 
away without action. It was only after there had 
come to be considerable popular clamour in favour 
of Columbus that Ovando saw the expediency of 
sending the necessary succour. It is more than prob- 
able that he would have been relieved to find that the 
rescuing ship had arrived too late. It was not until 
the 25 th of June, 1504, that the Admiral and his 
little crew of wretched followers were gladdened by 
the sight of approaching relief. It is easy to under- 
stand how Columbus, a little later, could say that in 
no part of his life did he ever experience so joyful 
a day; for he had never hoped to leave the place 



234 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

alive. More than a year had passed in the torment- 
ing experiences that followed the shipwreck on the 
northern coast of Jamaica. 

Ovando extended to Columbus a gracious show of 
hospitality by making him a guest in his own house- 
hold. But there was no real cordiality. It was not 
long, indeed, before an active dispute arose over 
an important question of jurisdiction. Ovando de- 
manded the surrender of Porras, that he might be 
duly punished for his insurrection. Columbus held 
that however complete the jurisdiction of the governor 
might be over the island of Hispaniola, it did not ex- 
tend to the crew of the Admiral. Ovando, though 
he did not formally yield the point, thought it not 
prudent to press the claim. There were also im- 
portant differences in regard to the pecuniary rights 
of Columbus, whose agent had already become 
involved in serious difficulties. From all these 
untoward circumstances it became apparent that 
the stay of Columbus could not be advantageously 
prolonged. Accordingly, with such money as he 
could collect, he fitted out two vessels for a home- 
ward voyage. He had arrived at San Domingo on 
the 15th of August. On the 12th of the following 
month the two vessels were ready for sea. Storm 
succeeded storm, however, and the ship of the Admi- 
ral had to be sent back for repairs. After a very 
tempestuous voyage, Columbus, with his brother and 
son, entered the port of San Lucar on the 7th of 
November, 1504. 



LAST DA YS. — DEA TH. — CHAR A CTER. 235 



CHAPTER VII. 

LAST DAYS. DEATH. CHARACTER. 

The career of Columbus was now practically at an 
end. From the port he went to Seville, where, broken 
in health as well as in spirit, he was obliged to remain 
for nearly four months. We find that on the 23d of 
February, 1505, a royal order was issued to furnish 
hira with a mule, that he might have an easy seat in 
his journey toward the court at Segovia. He appears 
in the course of the year to have found his way to 
Salamanca, and then to have followed the court to 
Valladolid ; but farther he was not able to go. 

During the year and a half that was left to him after 
his return from the fourth voyage, Columbus exerted 
himself constantly and in various ways to improve his 
personal interests. He had much leisure for writing ; 
and, fortunately, his letters have been preserved and 
pubhshed in the collection of Navarrete. It would 
perhaps have been better for his fame if they had not 
survived ; for while the errors and contradictions 
perplex every thoughtful reader, the spirit breathed 
throughout is one of petulancy and comprehensive 
censure. He rehearsed in various forms the story of 
his early efforts, of his unappreciated labours, of his 



236 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

semces in behalf of the Crown, and of failure to re- 
ceive the proper recognition and reward. Unfortu- 
nately, the death of Queen Isabella occurred only a 
few days after his return. This melancholy event not 
only withdrew from the service of Columbus the most 
important of all patrons, but it so absorbed all the 
attention of the court that his claims received no 
attention whatever. To his repeated importunities 
no answer came for some months. The king had 
always been either indifferent or inimical. The state- 
ments of Porras had been received, and they had 
evidently made an impression unfavourable to Colum- 
bus. The inference from the attitude of the court is 
inevitable that in the course of the two and a half 
years of the Admiral's absence during his fourth voyage 
his popularity had so declined that he had almost 
ceased to be regarded as a person of importance. It 
is certain that the complaints against him had now 
made so strong an impression on the king and on 
those in authority that there was no disposition to 
listen to his importunities. 

Still, Columbus continued to write. In one letter 
he arraigned the administration of Ovando, charging 
it with the same crimes that had so often been alleged 
against himself. He declared that the governor was 
detested by all ; that a suitable person could restore 
order in three months ; that the abuses should at once 
be remedied by the appointment of a judicious suc- 
cessor ; that new fortresses should be at once built, — 
"all of which," he says, " I can do in his Highness's 
service ; and any other, not having my personal inter- 



LAST DA YS. — DEA TH. — CHAR A CTER. 23 7 

est at stake, cannot do it as well." At another time 
he urges Diego to sue the king for a mandatory letter 
forcing Ovando to make immediate payment of Co- 
lumbus's share of the revenues. Concerning Vespu- 
cius, who had already returned from his second voyage 
and written the famous letter of Sept. 4, 1504, he 
wrote in the following terms : " Within two days I 
have talked with Americus Vespucius. . . . He has 
always manifested a disposition to be friendly to me. 
Fortune has not always favoured him, and in this he is 
not different from many others. His ventures have 
not always been as successful as he would wish. He 
left me full of the kindest purposes toward me, and 
will do anything for me that is in his power. I did 
not know what to tell him as to the way in which he 
could help me, because I knew not why he had been 
called to court. Find out what he can do, and he will 
do it ; but so manage that he will not be suspected 
of aiding me." This letter is of most interesting sig- 
nificance, because at the very moment of its date, the 
letter of Vespucius was making the impression upon 
Europe which was to eclipse the renown of Columbus 
and give the name of its author to the western conti- 
nent. That there was any purpose on the part of 
Vespucius inimical to the fame of Columbus there is 
no reason whatever to believe. 

The multitudinous letters of Columbus seem to 
have made no impression. Las Casas says : " The 
more he petitioned, the more bland the king was in 
avoiding any conclusion." The same author further 
declares that Ferdinand " hoped, by exhausting the 



238 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

patience of the Admiral, to induce him to accept some 
estates in Castile in place of his powers in the Indies. 
But Columbus rejected all such offers with indignation." 

During the later months of 1505, and the early- 
months of 1506, it was becoming more and more 
apparent that preparations for the end must not be 
long delayed. The mind of the Admiral came to be 
much occupied with the testamentary disposition of 
his rights and titles. Property in hand he really 
seems to have had none ; but he still was not without 
hope that in a final settlement his claims in the Indies 
would be fully recognized. Accordingly, in his last 
will, which was duly signed and witnessed on the 19th 
of May, 1506, he made disposition of his titles and 
his rights. He confirmed his legitimate son, Diego, 
his heir ; but in default of heirs of Diego, his rights 
were to pass to his illegitimate son, Fernando. If 
in this line there should be a like default, his prop- 
erty was to go to his brother, the Adelantado, and his 
male descendants. If these all should fail, the estate 
was to go to the female line in a similar succession. 
Two other provisions of the will are worthy of note. 
He makes his old scheme of a crusade to recover the 
Holy Sepulchre contingent upon the income of the 
estate. He then provides for the maintenance of 
Beatrix Enriquez, the mother of Fernando, and says : 
" Let this be done for the discharge of my conscience, 
for it weighs heavy on my soul, — the reasons for 
which I am not here permitted to give." 

It was on the 20th of May, 1506, the very next day 
after signing the will, that the restless soul of Colum- 



LAST DA YS. — DEA TH. — CHAR A CTER. 239 

bus passed away. His death occurred at Valladolid, 
in a house that is still shown to interested travellers. 
It is melancholy to add that the event made no im- 
pression either upon the city or upon the nation. 
We are told, as the result of the most careful search, 
that the only official document that makes mention of 
the decease of Columbus is one written by the mon- 
arch to Ovando, bearing date of the 2d of June. 
Neither Bernaldez nor Oviedo designates the day of 
the month. By the chroniclers of the time, as Har- 
risse has said, the event seems to have passed " com- 
pletely unheeded." 

Nor is there any certainty as to the place of burial. 
In the will which Columbus signed just before his 
death he indicated a desire to have his remains taken 
to San Domingo. It has generally been supposed, 
however, that a temporary interment took place in a 
Franciscan convent at Valladolid. The will of Diego 
seems to indicate that as early as the year 1 5 1 3 the 
coffin containing his remains was conveyed to Seville, 
where, for nearly or quite thirty years, it rested in the 
Carthusian convent of Las Cuevas. Royal provisions 
relating to the removal to San Domingo have been 
preserved, bearing dates of 1537, 1539, and 1540. 
From these orders and from the fact that the cathe- 
dral at San Domingo was completed in the year 1541, 
the inference has been drawn that the transfer took 
place in that year or a Httle later. There is evidence 
that the removal had been accomplished before the 
year 1549. 

The controversy that has taken place over the pres- 



i 



240 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

ent resting-place of the remains is perhaps enough to 
justify a somewhat detailed statement of the several 
points at issue. 

Columbus's son Diego and his grandson Luis died re- 
spectively in 1526 and 1572. Their remains were also 
transferred to the cathedral at San Domingo ; though 
at what date there is considerable uncertainty. Some 
rather obscure records have been discovered in Spain 
which have been thought to indicate that the removal 
took place about the beginning of the seventeenth 
century. Nearly all that we are justified in asserting 
without qualification is the fact that, from the period 
of this removal until near the end of the eighteenth 
century, the cathedral at San Domingo contained the 
remains of Columbus as well as those of his son and 
his grandson. 

So far as can now be ascertained, there were no 
inscriptions on the exterior of any of the vaults. The 
only guide to the site of the exact resting-place of 
the Admiral was a memorandum in the records of 
the cathedral to the effect that the body rested in the 
chancel at the right of the high altar. But as this 
memorandum bears date of 1676, it could hardly be 
regarded as anything more than the record of a tra- 
dition. During the long period between the early 
part of the sixteenth century and the end of the 
eighteenth, the floors of the cathedral were several 
times repaired ; but, so far as is known, the vaults 
were not disturbed or even discovered. 

In the course of the French Revolution the tumult 
into which San Domingo was thrown resulted in giv- 



LAST DA YS. — DEA TH. — CHARA CTER. 241 

ing the French so much influence that by the treaty 
of Basle, signed on the 22d of July, 1795, Spain 
was obliged to cede to France the western portion of 
the island. The natural pride of the Spaniards, how- 
ever, inspired them with a praiseworthy desire to 
transfer the remains of the discoverer to Spanish soil. 
Accordingly, explorations were made beneath the 
floor on the right of the altar of the cathedral. A 
vault was found and opened, which contained a small 
leaden box and the remains of a human body. Its 
situation in the cathedral corresponded with the in- 
dications of tradition. The box or casket was in a 
very dilapidated condition ; but so far as could be 
discovered, there was no inscription upon it. No 
doubt, however, was entertained in regard to its 
genuineness. The contents of the vault were placed 
in a gilded sarcophagus, and with great ceremony, 
on the 19th of January, 1796, were transported to 
Havana. Here they were placed near the high altar 
of the cathedra], where, in 1822, the monument was 
erected which still adorns the spot and commemorates 
the discoveries of the Admiral. 

For nearly a century no question was raised as to 
the genuineness of the remains thus exhumed and 
carried to Havana. But in 1877, in the course of 
some changes in the chancel of the cathedral at San 
Domingo, two other graves were opened. Each con- 
tained a leaden casket. That on the left side of the 
altar bore an inscription which, translated into English, 
runs : " To the Admiral Don Luis Columbus, duke of 
Jamaica, marquis of Veragua." The inscriptions on 

16 



242 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

the casket which was discovered on the right of the 
altar were of far more interest and importance. 

But before indicating in detail the significance of 
this discovery, let us take note of the relative position 
of the vaults. The one containing the casket with 
the inscription of Luis upon it, was at the extreme 
left of the chancel and against the wall ; while that 
containing the one which now appeared to hold the 
remains of the discoverer was next the wall on the 
opposite side. Adjoining this newly opened vault, and 
between it and the altar, was the narrower vault, the 
contents of which had been taken to Havana in 1796. 
It is natural to infer that the vault situated next the 
cathedral wall was the first one constructed, and that 
the smaller and inner vault was added at a later day. 

On the newly discovered casket were three inscrip- 
tions rudely cut. On the exterior were the three 
letters " C. C. A.," — probably signifying " Cristoval 
Colon, Almirante." On the outside of the cover were 
the abbreviations, " D. de la A. Pre. Ate.," which have 
been interpreted as standing for " Descubridor de la 
America, Primero Almirante, — " The Discoverer of 
America, the first Admiral." On the inside of the 
cover, in Gothic letters, was an abbreviated inscription 
which is commonly translated as " The celebrated and 
extraordinary man, Don Christopher Columbus." 

It is to be noted also that there was lying upon the 
bottom of the casket a small silver plate about three 
inches in length by one and a third in breadth. Near 
the ends of this plate were two small holes corre- 
sponding with two holes in the posterior wall of the 



LAST DA YS. — DEA TH. — CHARACTER. 243 

casket. With the plate were also two screws that 
corresponded in size with the holes in the box and 
the plate. Very curiously, the plate was found to 
have an inscription on either side. One of these was 
simply " Cristoval Colon," while the other, in some- 
what abbreviated form, was "Ultima parte de los 
restos del primero Almirante Cristoval Colon, Descu- 
bridor," — " The last remains of the first Admiral, 
Christopher Columbus, the Discoverer." The signifi- 
cance of these two inscriptions, as it must have been 
understood that one of them would be concealed by 
resting against the wall of the box, has been the sub- 
ject of many conjectures. But the most rational ex- 
planation is the supposition that when the engraver 
had incised the name " Cristoval Colon" on one side, 
it was found unsatisfactory, from its brevity, and ac- 
cordingly the more elaborate inscription was placed 
on the other side. With the contents of this leaden 
box there was also found a corroded musket-ball. This 
bullet is supposed to have been in the body of Colum- 
bus at the time of his burial. We have no account of 
his having been wounded while he was in Portugal or 
Spain, or in the course of any of his voyages ; but in 
his letter to the king written from Jamaica while on 
his fourth voyage, he says that his wound " had 
broken out afresh." This expression has led Cronau 
to conjecture that in some of his earlier maritime 
experiences, the Admiral had received a bullet which 
he carried in his body to the end of his life. 

The discovery of this casket very naturally awak- 
ened the greatest interest in San Domingo, and in- 



244 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

deed wherever the story of Columbus was known. 
The bishop of the cathedral, recognizmg the import- 
ance of the event, invited to a formal inspection of 
the remains, not only the representatives of the civil 
government, but also all the foreign consuls that were 
present in San Domingo. These united in the belief 
that the bones of the Admiral were still in the cathe- 
dral, and that the remains which had been carried to 
Havana in 1 796 were those of his son Diego. Hav- 
ing arrived at this conclusion, the authorities enclosed 
the casket, with its contents, in a glass case, and locked 
it with three keys, two of which were to be guarded 
by members of the Government, and one by the bishop. 
They then bound the glass case with ribbons, which 
were carefully sealed, not only with the seals of the 
cathedral and of the Government, but also with those 
of all the foreign consuls then at San Domingo. Fi- 
nally, they placed the sarcophagus containing the box 
and the remains in a side chapel of the cathedral. 

So full an account of this interesting discovery would 
hardly have been appropriate, but for the controversy 
which immediately ensued. The Spanish authorities 
in the mother- country and in Cuba were very natu- 
rally reluctant to believe, except upon the most conclu- 
sive evidence, that a mistake had been made in 1796. 
The cry of fraud was soon raised. The inscrip- 
tions, a rough fac-simile of which had been made and 
published by the bishop, were declared to be the 
work of a modern forger. Pamphlet after pamphlet 
was issued from the press, until there came to be a 
voluminous literature on the subject. 



LAST DA YS. — DEA TH — CHAR A CTER. 245 

Against the genuineness of the inscriptions there 
were only two arguments of any considerable weight. 
The first was in the assertion that the inscriptions 
were of too modern and crude a nature to have been 
placed upon the casket in the sixteenth century by 
those having in charge the moving of the remains. 
The other was the presence of the abbreviation which 
was supposed to stand for America. It was confi- 
dently alleged that the Spaniards had refused to 
adopt the name America until after the time of the 
removal. In both of these objections there seemed 
to be considerable force. But they cannot be re- 
garded as conclusive ; for in the first place a more 
careful copying of the inscriptions has revealed the 
fact that they are not so dissimilar to the prevailing 
methods of the sixteenth century as was at first sup- 
posed ; and in answer to the second objection, it is 
to be said that Waldseemiiller's book suggesting the 
name America was published in April of 1507, and that 
as early as 1520 the name America began to appear 
on the maps published for common use. It must be 
conceded that the crudeness of the inscriptions seems 
incompatible with what we may well conceive to have 
been the ceremonious nature of a removal of such 
importance conducted under royal patronage. But 
no account whatever of the ceremony has been pre- 
served. We simply know that the removal was per- 
mitted by royal order ; and the fact that no record of 
the event is now extant would seem to give plausi- 
bility to the conjecture that the remains were trans- 
ported privately by the family alone. If such was 



246 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

the case, the nature of the inscriptions placed upon 
the leaden box would depend upon circumstances in 
regard to which we can now have no knowledge 
whatever. 

In the autumn of 1890 the German explorer Rudolf 
Cronau determined to investigate this vexed question, 
and if possible remove it from the domain of doubt. 
Armed with letters of introduction from the German 
Government, he passed a month in San Domingo for 
the purpose of examining every phase of the subject. 
He not only obtained evidence from the workmen 
who had exhumed the casket in 1877, but he also 
secured the privilege of conducting a public examina- 
tion of the inscriptions. In the presence of the con- 
suls of the United States, England, France, Germany, 
and Italy, as well as the officials of the cathedral and 
of the city, he conducted the examination on the nth 
of January, 1891. Removing the glass case from the 
side chapel to the nave of the cathedral, he deposited 
it upon a table prepared for the purpose. The seals 
placed upon the case in 1877 having been examined 
and declared to be intact, the surrounding ribbons 
were then removed, and with the help of the several 
keys the case was opened. 

It is unnecessary to describe all the processes of 
investigation. It is, however, important to say that 
all the inscriptions were photographed upon zinc, in 
order that they might be etched in exact fac-simile. 
They have since been reproduced in the first volume of 
Cronau's " Amerika." As the result of his examina- 
tion, the author expresses his confident belief that the 



LAST DAYS. — DEA TH. — CHA RA C TER. 247 

inscriptions were cut in the sixteenth century ; for the 
processes of oxidation that have taken place since 
the inscriptions were made, seem to preclude the pos- 
sibility of their being the work of a modern hand. 
He states that a careful investigation of all the circum- 
stances attending the opening of the tomb in 1877 
failed to give any trace of opportunity for a forging of 
the inscriptions. The character of the bishop in 
charge in 1877 was above reproach. The presence 
of the bullet is, in the opinion of the author, to be 
regarded as confirmatory proof of genuineness, inas- 
much as it is hardly conceivable that it would have 
been placed in the casket by any fraudulent intent. 
In short, it is the opinion of Cronau that the difficul- 
ties in the way of supporting the theory of fraud are 
so much greater than those in the way of supporting 
the theory of genuineness that the charges of fraud 
must be dismissed, and the theory of genuineness 
must be finally and conclusively adopted. It seems 
probable that this conclusion will be accepted by the 
most judicious investigators of the subject, and that 
in consequence the belief will come to prevail that 
the remains of Columbus are now at San Domingo, 
and not at Havana. 

After the ceremony of inspection was completed, 
the casket and its contents were replaced in the glass 
box, and this, after being wound about with red, white, 
and blue ribbons and put under the seals of the several 
consuls and of the local authorities, was returned to 
the side chapel as its permanent resting-place. 

It would be a great pleasure if we could know that 



248 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

it is now easy to obtain definite and precise informa- 
tion in regard to those subtile peculiarities of manner 
and expression which marked and determined the 
appearance of the Admiral. But it seems to be im- 
possible. Of brief descriptions by personal acquaint- 
ances there is an abundance ; and in these accounts, 
moreover, there is substantial agreement. Trevisan, 
after meeting the Admiral in 1501, says of him : ''He 
was a robust man, with a tall figure, a ruddy com- 
plexion, and a long visage." Oviedo, who knew him 
with some intimacy, says : " Of good figure and a 
stature above the medium, Columbus had strong limbs, 
keen eyes, a well-proportioned body, very red hair, a 
complexion that was a little ruddy and marked with 
freckles." Las Casas, who saw him often and under 
diverse circumstances, described him in these words : 
" He had a figure that was above medium height, a 
countenance long and imposing, an aquiline nose, 
clear blue eyes, a light complexion tinged with red, 
beard and hair blond in youth, but early turned to 
white. He was rough in character, with little amia- 
bility of speech, affable, however, when he wished to 
be, and passionate when he was irritated." 

In the matter of dress Columbus was in the habit 
of wearing sombre colors, often appearing in the frock 
of one of the religious orders. Las Casas in one place 
says : " I saw the Admiral at Seville, on his return 
from the second voyage, clad as a Franciscan friar." 
Bernaldez relates that he saw him in 1496 "bound 
about with the cord of the Franciscan monks;" and 
Diego Columbus affirms that his father died " clad in 



LAST DA YS. — DEA TH. — CHAR A C TER. 2 49 

the frock of the Franciscan order, to which he was 
much attached." 

It is from these descriptions that the numerous 
portraits which have passed for Hkenesses of the Ad- 
miral have generally been composed. In all the vast 
number of paintings and engravings bearing his name, 
there is probably not one that can be regarded as un- 
questionably authentic ; for it is not known that a 
single painting or drawing of him was ever made by 
any person that had ever seen him. Harrisse makes 
the sweeping statement, " as for the portraits painted, 
engraved, or sculptured, which figure in the collec- 
tions, in public places, and in prints, there is not one 
that is authentic ; they are all pure fancy." This 
learned critic probably means that the numerous pic- 
tures have been made, not from life, but from extant 
descriptions of the Admiral, according to the fancy of 
the individual artists. 

Any one at all familiar with the various portraits 
that pass, here and there, for likenesses of Columbus, 
must have been impressed with the fact that, while a 
few of them present considerable resemblance to one 
another, they are, almost without exception, lacking 
in those elements of individuality that are necessary 
to impress themselves firmly on the attention and 
memory of the beholder. From the collection as a 
whole, one is apt to derive a very confused impression 
as to how Columbus really appeared. If there is to 
be any exception to this general statement, it should 
perhaps be made in favour of the portrait by Lorenzo 
Lotto, recently discovered at Venice. Lotto was 



250 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

quite the most distinguished of the contemporaneous 
painters whose portraits of Columbus have been pre- 
served. He was absent from Venice during the later 
years of Columbus's life, and it is possible that he was 
in Spain during the winter and spring just before the 
Admiral set out for his fourth voyage. We know that 
Columbus was in Granada during the winter and 
spring of 1 501-1502, and that during those winter 
months the Venetian ambassador Pisani and his secre- 
tary Camerino were assiduous in courting and enter- 
taining him, in order to obtain maps, charts, and other 
information about the newly discovered countries. It 
is possible that Lotto also was present at Granada 
and that he had an opportunity to paint the portrait 
from life. But there is no positive evidence on the 
subject. After all the possibilities are admitted, there 
is nothing more than a doubtful conjecture that he 
ever saw the discoverer ; still less is it probable that 
Columbus sat for his portrait. 

The painting by Lotto is said by critics to be a 
striking example in color and in general treatment of 
this artist's early style. As a portrait, it unquestion- 
ably has admirable and striking characteristics ; 
though it is impossible to form any positive opinion 
as to the accuracy of the likeness. It bears a general 
resemblance to the picture in the Ministry of the 
Marine at Madrid, as well as to the Capriolo engrav- 
ing and to the portrait in the collection of Count 
D' Orchi at Como. It is scarcely too much to say 
that Lotto, more than any of the others, seems to 
have succeeded in delineating certain subtleties of 



LAST DA YS. — DEA TH. — CHAR A CTER. 25 1 

feature and expression which reveal unmistakable 
character. Whatever the opportunities of this artist for 
knowing the personal appearance of Columbus, it is 
certain that he was contemporaneous with the Admiral, 
and that he lived in an Italian city that was greatly 
moved by the work of the discoverer. It is known, 
moreover, that the Venetian ambassador and his 
secretary were at that time sending home glowing 
accounts of the significance of the recent voyages. 
The pre-eminent excellence of the painting, the mood 
and character which it reveals, and its very striking cor- 
respondence with the descriptions of the discoverer by 
his acquaintances, have led to its selection for the 
frontispiece of this volume. The portrait was pur- 
chased in the summer of 1891 by an enterprising art 
collector of Chicago. 

It remains only to say a concluding word in regard 
to the estimation in which the character and the work 
of Columbus are finally to be held. 

It is not easy to establish a standard by which to 
judge of a man whose life was in an age that is 
past. In defiance of all scholarship, the judgments 
of critics continue to differ in regard to Alex- 
ander, Julius Caesar, and even Frederick the Great, 
and Napoleon. On the one hand, nothing can be 
more unjust than to bring to the judgment of the 
present age a man whose activities were exerted amid 
surroundings and influences that have long since 
changed and passed away ; while, on the other, nothing 
is more unsafe than to regard the opinions of contem- 
poraries as the just and final judgment of humanity. 



252 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 

Between these two dangers we must seek the basis of 
a judgment in those eternal verities which are appU- 
cable to every age. Since civihzation began, good 
men have ever recognized certain principles of right 
and justice as applicable to all men and all time. 
Did his life and his work tend to the elevation of 
mankind ? If so, did these results flow from his con- 
scious purpose? If temporary wrong and injustice 
were done, were these accessory to the firmer estab- 
lishment of those broad principles which must under- 
lie all security and happiness? These, or such as 
these, are the questions which it is necessary to ask 
when we undertake to form a judgment in regard to 
any man that has performed a great part or exerted a 
great influence. If we apply these principles in form- 
ing an opinion of Columbus, what will be the result ? 

In point of character, — considering the term in the 
largest and broadest possible sense, — we shall probably 
not find very much to admire. The moral atmos- 
phere which he created about him was not much 
better or much worse than the general atmosphere of 
the age in which he lived. He entered no protest 
against any of the abuses of the time. On the con- 
trary, he was ever ready to avail himself of those 
abuses whenever he could do so to his own advan- 
tage. In his age the most sensitive natures were be- 
ginning to revolt against the horrors of the slave-trade. 
But Columbus, in his letters and his journal describing 
his first voyage, points out the riches that would result 
to Spain by filling the slave-markets with captives 
from the newly discovered islands. He repeatedly 



LAST DA YS. — DEA TH. — CHARACTER. 253 

urged a policy of slave-catching upon the Government ; 
and gave just offence by persistency in such a policy, 
after receiving a plain intimation that it could not be 
adopted. There is no evidence that he ever aban- 
doned the idea that a true policy required that ships 
in going from the mother-country to the islands should 
be loaded with cattle, and that the same ships in 
going back from the islands to the mother-country 
should be loaded with slaves. His first letters glow 
with accounts of the gentleness and hospitality of the 
natives. The Indians regarded the new comers as 
visitors from heaven. When Columbus's own vessel 
was shipwrecked, the inhabitants on the coast not only 
rendered every possible assistance, but offered to give 
up everything they had for the accommodation of the 
unfortunate visitors. Columbus himself testifies that 
the native cacique shed " tears of sympathy." Such 
was the spirit with which the Spaniards were met, 
and such was the spirit until the policy of kidnapping 
and devastation was begun. Gradually the Spaniards 
began to seize the natives as prisoners whenever op- 
portunity offered. Men were found to be less desir- 
able captives than women and children. 

Las Casas, the most discriminating and thoughtful, 
as well as the most humane, of all writers of the time, 
has in a single sentence described the beginning of 
the evil. These are his fruitful words : " Since men 
are never accustomed to fall into a single error, nor 
into a sin to be committed alone, without a greater 
one by and by following, so it fell out that the Ad- 
miral . . . sent a boat with certain sailors to a house that 



2 54 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

Stood on the side of the river toward the west, and 
they took and carried off seven women, small and 
great, with three children. This he says he did be- 
cause Spaniards with women behave themselves better 
than without them. A genteel excuse has he given 
to colour and justify a deed so nefarious." From a 
general policy, the beginning of which is so signifi- 
cantly described by Las Casas, it came about very 
naturally that, notwithstanding the noteworthy gentle- 
ness of the natives, it was soon discovered that they 
were not absolutely devoid of the instincts and im- 
pulses of human nature. The inevitable result fol- 
lowed. The natives determined to defend their wives 
and their children. A war of extermination ensued. 
The number of the inhabitants upon these islands was 
variously estimated by Las Casas and others of his 
day. The lowest estimate that can now be reconciled 
with the original accounts is forty thousand. In the 
course of the fourteen years between the discovery 
and Columbus's death the number had been reduced 
by fully one half; and it was only a few years later 
when the last of them, hunted like beasts and torn by 
bloodhounds, perished from the earth. We are accus- 
tomed to regard Cortez and Pizarro as exceptional 
embodiments of inhumanity and cruelty. But Cortez 
and Pizarro only followed the example that had al- 
ready been set. 

Nor is it possible to acquit Columbus of responsi- 
bility for the course that was taken. His position 
gave him plenary powers. No man ever had fewer 
scruples in the exercise of all the authority conferred 



LAST DA YS. — DEA TH. — CHAR A CTER. 255 

upon him. It is indeed true that the policy of the 
Spaniards showed itself at its worst after the authority 
of Columbus was at an end. But it is also true that 
this policy in all its most deplorable features was in- 
augurated by him ; and therefore he is to be held 
responsible at the bar of history for the evil conse- 
quences that ensued. 

Nor, again, can we say that the end justified the 
means. Columbus never expected or desired to dis- 
cover a new country. His motive in urging the sup- 
port of the voyages was twofold. He desired, on the 
one hand, to bring back the wealth that would enable 
his sovereigns to conquer Jerusalem for Christianity ; 
and, on the other, to acquire wealth and fame for 
himself. The only condition of success was the find- 
ing of vast amounts of gold. The reports of John de 
Mandeville and Marco Polo had filled his mind with 
confidence that the necessary gold existed and could 
be acquired, if only it could be found. Hence his 
restless activity. Never dreaming till the day of his 
death that the islands he had discovered were not off 
the coast of Asia, he thought himself not far away 
from the mines that had brought such wealth to Ci- 
pango and Cathay. Everything, therefore, was made 
to contribute to this fruitless search. No thoughtful 
person can read the original accounts of the four 
voyages without being impressed with the fact that he 
was constantly led on from one thing to another by 
the alluring reports of gold. This endless and fruit- 
less quest was the cause of the worst features of his 
misgovernment. The gold mines stubbornly refused 



256 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 

to reveal themselves. Recourse was then had to that 
pitiless system of repartlmientos, or enforced labour, 
which everywhere threw the natives into despair. 
Then it was that, in the words of Las Casas, " The 
Admiral went over a great part of the island, making 
cruel war on all the kings and peoples who would not 
come into obedience." Elsewhere the same great 
authority says : " In those days and months the great- 
est outrages and slaughter of people and depopulation 
of villages went on, because the Indians put forth all 
their strength to see if they could drive from their 
territories a people so murderous and cruel." The 
original authorities prove beyond question that the 
policy was simply one of unqualified cupidity, cruelly 
and relentlessly enforced. 

We have already seen that the death of Columbus 
attracted no general attention and awakened no 
general comment. This remarkable fact was in strict 
consonance with the spirit of the time, for the ex- 
ploits of other voyagers had already caught the public 
ear and monopolized public attention. Americus 
Vespucius had returned from his second voyage and 
had aroused the attention of all Europe by means of 
his glowing accounts of the new continent. The 
Cabots from England had at least skirted along the 
coasts of what is now known as North America. The 
Portuguese had discovered a safe passage to the In- 
dies by sailing to the south and east, and had begun 
to raise the question of their rights in consequence of 
the independent discovery of Brazil, in the year 1500, 
by Pedro Cabral. Pizarro had learned the art of war 



LAS T DA VS. — DEA TH. — CHAR A C TER. 257 

under the unscrupulous Ojeda, and Cortez had had 
the schooHng of long interviews with Columbus at San 
Domingo. Balboa and Magellan had already com- 
pleted their apprenticeship, and were now about to 
astonish the world by revealing to it the Pacific Ocean. 
In the very year of Columbus's death, fishermen from 
Portugal were already plying their vocation with profit 
on the banks of Newfoundland ; and less than a year 
later, the Spaniard Velasco had entered the St. Law- 
rence. Within the short life of one generation the 
whole coast from Cape Breton to the Straits of Ma- 
gellan became the scene of maritime activity. In all 
parts of the Old World, as well as of the New, it was 
evident that Columbus had kindled a fire in every 
mariner's heart. That fire was the harbinger of a new 
era, for it was not to be extinguished. 



17 



INDEX. 



Agnado, Don John, appointed 
inspector, i66. 

Assistance, obstacles to, 44 ; argu- 
ments at Salamanca, 52. 

Barcelona, Columbus's recep- 
tion at, 118. 

Bobadilla, Francis de, 198 ; brutal 
energy of, 203. 

Boyle, Father, mutinous spirit of, 
166. 

Brooks, W. K., account of the 
Lucayan Indians, 149. 

Bull of demarcation, 122. 

Cabral, Pepro, discovers Brazil, 
214. 

Caonabo, bravery of, 142, 157. 

Caribbean Sea, visit to, 131. 

Caribs, discovery of, 106 ; character 
of, 132. 

Catilina, loss of, 138. 

Columbus, Bartholomew, his birth, 
6; abode at Lisbon, 16; goes 
to England and France, 42 ; in 
charge at Isabella, 169 ; author- 
ity confirmed, 173 ; disasters, 
184. 

Columbus, Christopher, place of 
his birth, i ; time of his birth, 4 ; 



parentage, 6 ; early years, 7 ; 
geographical studies, 8 ; early 
maritime experience, 9 ; voyage 
to the north, 11 ; vocation as a 
bookseller, 14 ; his geographical 
learning, 15 ; his moving to Lis- 
bon, 1 5 ; his marriage, 17 ; leaves 
Portugal, 19 ; commercial enter- 
prises, 21; ideas of discovery, 22 ; 
sphericity of the earth, 23 ; influ- 
ence of the Imago Mtcndi, 27 ; 
letters of Toscanelli, 29 ; at- 
tempts to secure assistance, 34 ; 
refusal of Portugal, 40 ; leaves 
Portugal for Spain, 41 ; seeks 
assistance, 44 ; obstacles, 45 ; 
royal support, 47 ; meeting at 
Salamanca, 53 ; relations with 
Beatriz Henriquez, 57 ; visit to 
Portugal, 58; Talavera, 60 ; goes 
to La Kabida, 62 ; visits the 
court, 64 ; terms demanded, 65 ; 
terms of the commission, 68; 
the first voyage, 74 ; conduct of 
the crew, 85 ; indications of land, 
85 ; discovery of land, 87 ; set- 
tlement at La Navidad, 96 ; sails 
for home, 105 ; storms, 108 ; 
reception at Lisbon, 114 ; at Pa- 
los, 115; at Barcelona, 118; re- 
newal of commission, 122 ; pre- 



26o 



INDEX. 



paration for second voyage, 126 ; 
the Caribbean Sea, 131; loss of 
La Navidad, 136; founding of 
Isabella, 140 ; report to the mon- 
archs, 143 ; slavery proposed, 
144 ; visits Cuba, 152 ; oath re- 
quired of the men, 154 ; return, 
155; additional demands for gold, 
162 ; general spirit of revolt, 164; 
Agnado, 166 ; determination to 
return, 168; reaches Spain, 172; 
residence with Bernaldez, 1 74 ; 
preparations forthird voyage, 1 75; 
sailing, 177; discovers Trinidad, 
1 78 ; discovers mainland, 1 79 ; 
reaches Isabella, 184 ; revolt of 
Roldan, 188 ; unfavourable re- 
ports, 196 ; Bobadilla appointed, 
197 ; arrest and confinement of 
Columbus, 203 ; reaches Spain 
in chains, 205 ; judgment of Isa- 
bella, 207; importunities, 211; 
fourth expedition sails, 216; is 
denied the port at San Domingo, 
220; terrible storms, 222; sails 
along the Mosquito coast, 225 ; 
Varagua, 225 ; disasters, 227 ; 
disappointment and withdrawal, 
228 ; shipwreck on coast of Ja- 
maica, 229 ; final rescue, 233 ; 
return to Spain, 234 ; last days, 
235 ; numerous letters, 236 ; 
makes his will, 238 ; death, 238 ; 
burial, 239 ; removal of remains, 
240 ; question of dispute, 241 ; 
personal appearance, 248 ; por- 
traits, 248 ; estimate of his char- 
acter, 252. 
Columbus, Diego, appointment of, 



201. 



Columbus, Fernando, his birth, 20. 
Crew of the first expedition, 76; of 

the second, 125 ; of the fourth, 

216. 



Cronau, his theory as to the land- 
fall, 89 ; investigation of the 
place of the remains, 246. 

Cuba, discovery of, 94. 

D'AiLLY, Cardinal, influence of 

his Imago Mundi^ 27. 
Deza, Diego de, friendliness of, 53. 
Diaz, Bartholomew, discovers Cape 

of Good Hope, 22. 
Diaz, Bernald, mutiny of, 152. 
Discovery, first ideas of Columbus 

concerning, 32. 
Discoveries of the Cabots and 

others, 213, 256. 

England, application to, 36. 

FoNSECA, appointment of, to su- 
perintendency, 1 24 ; unfriendli- 
ness to Columbus, 176. 

France, application to, 36. 

Genoa, probable place of Colum- 
bus's birth, I ; assistance, 33. 

Gold, its place in the mind of Co- 
lumbus, 98 ; quest of, 147 ; tri- 
bute for, 160 ; reported discovery 
of, 184. 

Guanahani, discovery and situation 
of, 87. 

Iceland, probable voyage of Co- 
lumbus to, 12, 28. 

Indians, character of, 92, 148 ; 
friendly nature of, 96 ; attitude 
of Columbus toward, 102 ; re- 
volt of, 157, 160, 162; friendli- 
ness of, 179. 

Inquisition in Spain, 44. 

Isabella, city of, founded, 140 ; con- 
i dition of, in 1500, 209. 



INDEX. 



261 



Isabella, of Castile, attitude to- 
ward Columbus, 49 ; judgment 
concerning Columbus, 207. 

La N a VI dad, colony settled at, 

96; loss of colony, 135. 
La Rabida, monastery of, 41 ; visit 

of Columbus to, 62. 
Las Casas, his judicious estimate of 

Columbus, 253. 
Lisbon, home of Columbus, 13. 

Mandeville, John de, writings 
of, 26. 

Margarite, expedition of, 156; re- 
turn to Spain, 156. 

Marriage of Columbus, 17. 

Medina Celi, assists Columbus, 43, 

59- 

Mendez, Diego, daring sail from 
Jamaica, 230. 

Moorish war, 46. 

Moya, The Marchioness de, assist- 
ance of, 54. 

Mutinous spirit in Isabella, 164. 

Ojeda, expedition of, 142, 147, 
157; imfriendliness of, 193. 

Ovando, succeeds Bobadilla, 215 ; 
refuses hospitality to Columbus, 
220 ; shipwreck, 222 ; grants 
hospitality, 234. 

PiNZON, Martin Alonzo, 76 ; his 
treachery and death, 115. 

Piratical experiences of Colum- 
bus, 9. 

Porras, Francisco de, revolt of, 231. 



Portraits of Columbus, 249. 
Portugal, refuses assistance, 39. 
Prince Henry, 34. 
Ptolemy, Geography of, 24. 

QUINTANILLA, AlONZO DE, 48. 

Remains of Columbus at San 

Domingo, 241. 
Repartimientos, establishment of, 

161, 183. 
Roldan, revolt of, 188 ; settlement 

of difficulties, 191. 

Salamanca, audience at, 49. 

Slavery, proposed by Columbus, 
144 ; persisted in, 182, 194. 

Sphericity of the earth, 22 ; his- 
tory of the doctrine, 23 ; specula- 
tions of Columbus regarding, 
180. 

Talavera, 60, 64. 
Tordesillas, treaty of, 128. 
Toscanelli, letters of, 29. 
Trinidad, discovery of, 178. 

Venice, relations of, to Columbus, 

35- 
Vespucius, Americus, relations of, 

to Columbus, 237. 
Voyage, the first, preparation for, 

76 ; preparation for the second, 

125 ; for the third, 171. 

Watling's Island, the place of 
the landfall, 89. 



MAKERS OF AMERICA. 



The followmg is a list of the subjects and authors so 
far arranged for in this series. The vohwies will 
be published at the uniform price of %1.00, and 
will appear in rapid successiofi : — 

Christopher Columbus (1436-1506), and the Discov- 
ery of the New World. By Charles Kendall 
Adams, President of Cornell University. 

John Winthrop (1588- 1649), First Governor of 
the Massachusetts Colony. By Rev. Joseph H. 

TWICHELL. 

Robert Morris (i 734-1 806), Superintendent of Finance 
under the Continental Congress. By Prof. William 
G. Sumner, of Yale University. 

James Edward Oglethorpe (1689- 1785), and the Found- 
ing of the Georgia Colony. By Henry Bruce, 
Esq. 

John Hughes, D.D. (i 797-1864), First Archbishop of 
New -York : a Representative American Catholic. 
By Henry A. Brann, D.D. 

Robert Fulton (1765-18 15); His Life and its Results. 
By Prof. R. H. Thurston, of Cornell University. 

Francis Higginson (1587-1630), Puritan, Author of 
" New England's Plantation," etc. By Thomas W. 
Higginson. 



2 MAKERS OF AMERICA. 

Pet«»r Stuyvesant (1602-1682), and the Dutch Settle- 
ment of New- York. By Bayard Tuckerman, 
Esq., author of a " Life of General Lafayette, " 
editor of the " Diary of Philip Hone," etc., etc. 

Thomas Hooker (i 586-1 647), Theologian, Founder of 
the Hartford Colony. By George L. Walker, 
D.D. 

Charles Sumner (1811-1874), Statesman. By Anna 
L. Dawes. 

Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826), Third President of the 
United States. By James Schouler, Esq., author 
of "A History of the United States under the 
Constitution." 

William White (i 748-1836), Chaplain of the Continen- 
tal Congress, Bishop of Pennsylvania, President of 
the Convention to organize the Protestant Episcopal 
Church in America. By Rev. Julius H. Ward, 
with an Introduction by Right Rev. Henry C. Potter, 
D.D., Bishop of New- York. 

Jean Baptiste Lemoine, sieur d^o. Bienville (1680-1 768), 
French Governor of Louisiana, Founder of New 
Orleans. By Grace King, author of " Monsieur 
Motte." 

Alexander Hamilton (1757-1804), Statesman, Finan- 
cier, Secretary of the Treasury. By Prof, William 
G. Sumner, of Yale University. 

Father Juniper Serra (1713-1784), and the Franciscan 
Missions in California. By John Gilmary Shea, 
LL.D. 

Cotton Mather (i 663-1 728), Theologian, Author, Be- 
liever in Witchcraft and the Supernatural. By Prof, 
Barrett Wendell, of Harvard University. 



MAKERS OF AMERICA. 3 

Robert Cavelier, sieicr de La Salle (i 643-1607), Ex- 
plorer of the Northwest and the Mississippi. By 
Edward G. Mason, Esq., President of the Histori- 
cal Society of Chicago, author of " Illinois" in the 
Commonwealth Series. 

Thomas Nelson (1738-1789), Governor of Virginia, 
General in the Revolutionary Army. Embracing a 
Picture of Virginian Colonial Life. By Thomas 
Nelson Page, author of "Mars Chan,' and other 
popular stories. 

George and Cecilius Calvert, Barons Baltimore of 
Baltimore (1605-1676), and the Founding of the 
Maryland Colony. By William Hand Browne, 
editor of "The Archives of Maryland.' 

Sir William Johnson (171 5-1 774), and The Six Na- 
tions. By William Elliot Griffis, D.D., author 
of " The Mikado's Empire," etc. , etc. 

Bam. Houston (1793- 1862), and the Annexation of 
Texas. By Henry Bruce, Esq. 

Joseph Henry, LL.D. (i 797-1 878), Savant and Natural 
Philosopher- By Frederic H Betts, Esq. 

Ralph Waldo Emerson. By Prof. Herman Grimm, 
author of " The Life of Michael Angelo," " The Life 
and Times of Goethe," etc. 

DODD, MEAD, & COMPANY, 

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